,n  vision 


F  68 

.P86 


Section 


\ 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2019  with  funding  from 
Princeton  Theological  Seminary  Library 


https://archive.org/details/pilgrimstheirrel00powe_0 


and 

Their  Religious,  Intellectual 


and  Civic  Life 


By  WALTER  A.  POWELL 


Wilmington,  Delaware 
'923 


COPYRIGHT  IN  1923 
By  WALTER  A.  POWELL 


A ffectionately  Dedicated 
To  My  Wife 
Ray  Haydrick  Powell 


Errata 


Page 

43.  Line  18.  Read  ordinary  for  ordianry. 

71.  Line  15.  Read  economic  for  econmic. 

71.  Line  17.  Read  propagating  for  propogating. 
94.  Line  6.  Read  It  is  for  Its. 

136.  Line  3.  Read  Lords  for  Lord’s. 

136.  Line  24.  Read  rite  for  right. 

150.  Line  22.  Read  franchise  for  fanchise. 

237.  Line  17.  Read  censorship  for  censhorship. 


Contents 


Chapters  Page 

I.  Protestantism  in  England .  11 

II.  Religious  Freedom  in  Holland .  21 

III.  The  Brownists  or  Separatists .  25 

IV.  James  the  First  and  Protestantism .  31 

V.  The  Brownists  or  Separatists  at 

Scrooby .  37 

VI.  The  Exodus .  41 

VII.  Amsterdam  and  Leyden .  47 

VIII.  Decision  to  Emigrate  to  the  New 

World .  53 

IX.  Patent  Obtained  for  Land  in  Virginia 

and  Contract  With  the  Merchants. .  57 

X.  The  Departure .  65 

XI.  Motive  for  Emigrating . 69 

XII.  The  Compact .  77 

XIII.  Plymouth .  85 

XIV.  The  New  World .  91 

XV.  The  Years  1621-1623 — The  Famine.. . .  95 

XVI.  John  Pierce  and  the  New  Charter. ...  99 

XVII.  Complaints  Against  the  Colony . 103 

XVIII.  The  Adventurers  Break  With  the 

Colony . Ill 


5 


6 


CONTENTS 


XIX.  Communism . 117 

XX.  A  Monopoly  of  Trade  in  the  Colony. .  .  .121 

XXI.  Separatists  are  Brought  from  Leyden .  .  .  127 

XXII.  Colonial  Controversies  and  Appoint¬ 

ment  of  Commissioners  for  the 
Colonies . 131 

XXIII.  The  Confederation . 139 

XXIV.  Death  of  William  Bradford  and  De¬ 

cadence  of  Plymouth  Colony . 143 

XXV.  Plymouth  Incorporated  in  the  Prov¬ 

ince  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New 
England . 149 

XXVI.  Pilgrims  and  the  Indians . 153 

XXVII.  King  Philip’s  War . 167 

XXVIII.  The  Religious  Life  of  Plymouth  Colony .  .173 

XXIX.  Morals . 185 

XXX.  Ministers . 193 

XXXI.  Pilgrim  Fathers  as  Missionaries . 199 

XXXII.  Religious  Intolerance . 203 

XXXIII.  Education  in  Plymouth  Colony . 211 

XXXIV.  Harvard  College . 221 

XXXV.  Literature . 229 

XXXVI.  The  Press . 235 

XXXVII.  Education  and  the  Influence  of  Re¬ 
ligion  on  the  Virginia  Colonists . 239 

XXXVIII.  Conclusion . 261 


Introduction 


DURING  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  Seventeenth  Century,  under  the  teaching 
and  leadership  of  John  Browne,  a  clergyman  of  the  Estab¬ 
lished  Church  of  England,  some  members  of  that  Church 
withdrew  from  it,  and  with  others  organized  a  religious 
body,  which  became  known  as  Brownists  or  Separatists. 
They  were  non-Conformists,  and  therefore  under  the 
ban  of  the  English  laws. 

In  1606,  a  Separatist  Congregation  was  organized  at 
Scrooby,  England.  In  1607  and  1608  about  one  hundred 
members  of  this  congregation,  under  the  leadership  of 
their  Pastor,  John  Robinson,  William  Brewster  and 
William  Bradford,  fled  from  England  to  Amsterdam, 
Holland.  After  remaining  in  that  city  one  year  they 
removed  to  Leyden. 

About  1617,  Pastor  Robinson,  William  Brewster, 
William  Bradford,  John  Carver  and  Edward  Winslow 
conceived  the  idea  of  having  this  Leyden  congregation, 
then  numbering  about  three  hundred,  emigrate,  and  es¬ 
tablish  a  Colony  of  Separatists  in  America.  This  congre¬ 
gation  of  Separatists,  however,  refused  to  emigrate. 
Pastor  Robinson  and  his  associates  persisted,  and  finally 
obtained  the  consent  of  about  thirty- three  persons  from 
Leyden  to  emigrate,  although  they  were  not  all  Separa¬ 
tists — notably  Captain  Miles  Standish  and  his  wife  Rose 


7 


8 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  exact  number  of  those  emigrating  from  Leyden  who 
were  Separatists  is  not  known. 

In  August  1620,  those  from  Leyden,  viz: — twelve  men, 
including  the  leaders — Brewster,  Bradford,  Carver  and 
Winslow,  six  women,  ten  children  and  five  persons  named 
as  servants,  sailed  in  the  Speedwell,  a  small  ship,  from 
Delft  Haven,  bound  for  the  New  World.  The  Speedwell 
sailed  to  Southampton,  England,  and  was  there  joined  by 
the  Mayflower  with  eighty  seven  emigrants  recruited  in 
England,  mainly  by  the  Merchant  Adventurers  who  fur¬ 
nished  the  money  for  the  expedition,  from  all  classes — 
some  good  and  some  bad  and  undesirable  people.  Very 
few,  if  any,  of  these  emigrants  were  Separatists.  It  is 
not  claimed  for  these  recruits  from  England  that  their 
motive  for  emigrating  was  other  than  economic. 

On  August  6,  1620,  the  Speedwell,  with  twenty  emi¬ 
grants,  a  part  of  her  passengers  having  been  transferred 
to  the  Mayflower,  and  the  Mayflower  with  one  hundred 
people,  sailed  from  Southampton.  The  Speedwell,  how¬ 
ever,  proved  to  be  unseaworthy.  After  a  second  attempt 
to  proceed,  those  in  the  Speedwell  who  still  wished  to 
emigrate  were  transferred  to  the  Mayflower,  and  those  in 
the  Mayflower  and  Speedwell,  to  the  number  of  twenty, 
who  did  not  wish  to  proceed,  with  some  of  the  weaker 
ones,  were  put  in  the  Speedwell  and  returned  home.  The 
Mayflower  then  sailed  alone  for  the  New  World  with  one 
hundred  emigrants,  including  men,  women  and  children. 

In  the  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation  William  Brad¬ 
ford  calls  those  who  sailed  in  the  Speedwell  from  Delft 
Haven  “Pilgrimes.” 


INTRODUCTION 


9 


From  this  incident  all  of  the  emigrants  who  sailed  in 
the  Mayflower  recruited  in  England  of  every  type,  as  well 
as  the  small  number  of  Separatists  from  Leyden,  have 
been  called  “Pilgrims,”  and  invested  with  a  religious 
character. 

There  has  been  some  confusion  in  the  indiscriminate 
use  of  the  terms  “Pilgrim”  and  “Puritan,”  as  applied  to 
the  early  New  England  Colonists.  The  Pilgrims  were 
those  who  settled  Plymouth  Colony,  in  1620,  while  the 
Puritans  founded  The  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  in  1630* 

The  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation  by  William  Brad¬ 
ford,  The  Plymouth  Colony  Records  and  the  Ancient 
Laws  of  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony, — all  original  sources 
furnish  quite  a  complete  history  of  the  Pilgrims  from  their 
beginning  at  Scrooby  in  1606,  until  Plymouth  Colony  was 
merged  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  in  1691.  In 
addition  to  these  original  sources,  I  am  also  indebted  to 
many  other  writers  and  authors  for  much  valuable  in¬ 
formation. 

The  Chapter  on  education  and  the  influence  of  the 
Church  in  Colonial  Virginia  has  been  written  because  of 
so  many  references,  generally  disparaging,  to  these  sub¬ 
jects  by  writers.  By  placing  before  readers  conditions  in 
both  the  Virginia  and  New  England  Colonies  on  these 
subjects,  perhaps  some  erroneous  and  unjust  impressions 
of  Colonial  Virginia  may  be  corrected. 


Chapter  I 

Protestantism  in  England 

THE  history  of  England  in  the  sixteenth  and  seven¬ 
teenth  centuries  cannot  be  found  alone  in  the  study 
of  its  civil  and  political  life.  You  must,  also,  turn  to  the 
history  of  the  Church  and  religion.  In  fact,  the  history 
of  the  Church  is  inseparably  interwoven  with  that  of  the 
political  life  of  the  nation. 

It  cannot  be  claimed  for  religion  that  it,  to  any  great 
degree,  influenced  or  directed  the  spiritual  life  of  the 
Rulers;  but  it  did  dominate  their  secular  and  political 
activities. 

The  Reformation  found  its  way  into  England;  the 
teachings  of  Wycliff  and  Calvin  found  lodgement  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people.  The  Supremacy  of  the  Pope  and 
Church  of  Rome  was  seriously  threatened.  The  Roman 
Church  had  not  been  content  within  the  confines  of  a 
spiritual  sphere.  Its  ambitions  and  activities  carried  it 
into  the  civil  and  political  life  of  England.  It  had  lost 
sight  of  the  fact  that  its  work  was  with  the  moral,  the 
religious  and  spiritual  side  of  humanity.  It  had  forgotten 
the  mission  of  the  Saviour  to  the  World;  that  the  way  to 
the  heart  of  humanity  was  through  the  story  of  the  sac¬ 
rifices,  sufferings  and  crucifixion  of  a  Divine  Christ. 

The  religious  fervor  and  enthusiasm  that  had  converted 


11 


12 


THE  PILGRIMS 


pagan  England,  that  had  inspired  the  building  of  monas¬ 
teries  and  cathedrals,  had  passed  away  and  was  only  a 
memory. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Church  had  lost  its  Christ. 

The  Church,  through  its  priesthood,  had  acquired  vast 
bodies  of  land,  and  had  built  great  monasteries  and 
beautiful  cathedrals;  it  had  grown  rich,  powerful,  cruel, 
and  aggressive  in  England.  The  Pope  aspired  to  shape 
the  political  destiny  of  the  nation. 

The  spiritual  head  of  the  Church,  he  had  also  become 
the  invisible  Ruler  of  the  temporal  and  political  powers 
under  many  of  the  Rulers  of  England.  These  were  the 
conditions  when  Henry  the  Eighth  came  to  the  English 
throne. 

In  1534,  Henry  declared  himself  not  only  the  temporal 
Ruler  of  England,  but,  also,  supreme  as  the  spiritual  head 
of  the  Church  and  Clergy.  No  one  has  ever  claimed  for 
him  that  he  was  actuated  by  a  high  and  holy  purpose,  or 
by  any  motive  other  than  that  a  new  face  had  caught 
his  wandering  fancy.  His  heart  had  never  known  the 
gentle  and  purifying  influence  of  Christ.  He  was  selfish, 
coarse,  cruel,  brutal  and  licentious.  He  was  not  a  spiritual 
convert  to  a  faith  in  a  Divine  Christ.  The  act  of  the  King 
in  declaring  himself  the  spiritual  head  of  the  Church  in 
England  was  neither  religious  nor  spiritual;  his  motive  was 
purely  selfish,  temporal,  and  political.  The  immediate 
cause  of  the  deposition  of  the  Pope  was  his  refusal  to  allow 
Henry  to  divorce  his  Queen  Katharine,  a  faithful  wife, 
and  a  Catholic. 

In  1534,  Parliament  passed  an  act  confirming  the  King’s  *  * 


PROTESTANTISM  IN  ENGLAND 


13 


title  as  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church.  In  1535,  an  Act 
was  passed  requiring  the  Priests  to  swear  allegiance  to  the 
King  “in  derogation  of  the  Pope’s  authority.”  Some 
Priests  refused  to  take  this  oath,  and  were  promptly 
beheaded;  “From  persecutors  they  suddenly  sank  into 
men  trembling  for  their  lives.” 

“The  English  Church  was  now  hailed  as  Protestant.” 

By  the  will  of  the  King,  and  through  an  Act  of  Parlia¬ 
ment,  the  English  Protestants  became  orthodox: — the 
adherents  to  the  Church  of  Rome  were  now  heretics, 
hunted,  persecuted,  and  suffering  the  cruelties  which  they 
had  formerly  inflicted  upon  the  Protestants. 

It  was  not  the  purpose  of  the  King  to  make  changes 
in  the  Churches.  Henry  simply  assumed  the  position  as 
the  spiritual,  the  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church,  displac¬ 
ing  the  Pope.  Nor  did  he  make  any  changes  either  in 
the  Clergy,  except  in  those  who  refused  to  take  the  oath 
of  Supremacy,  or  in  the  form  of  Church  worship.  The 
Protestants,  however,  soon  began  to  desire  a  change  in 
the  form  of  worship  and  in  the  church  service  books, 
because  the  old  service  smacked  too  much  of  Popery. 
In  1548,  the  “First  Book  of  Common  Prayer”  was  adopted, 
providing  a  form  of  Church  service.  The  Act  of  Uni¬ 
formity  required  that  the  service  of  the  Church  should 
conform  to  this  “First  Book  of  Common  Prayer.” 

In  f547,  Henry  the  Eighth  died,  and  his  son  Edward 
succeeded  him  on  the  throne  of  England.  As  Edward 
had  been  under  Protestant  influence,  his  short  reign  was 
Protestant. 

In  1552,  Parliament  passed  a  second  Act  of  Uniformity, 


14 


THE  PILGRIMS 


also  an  Act  removing  the  ban  on  the  marriage  of  Priests, 
and  requiring  laymen  to  attend  common  prayer  on  Sun¬ 
days  and  holidays. 

King  Edward  died  in  1553,  and  Mary,  the  daughter 
of  Henry  the  Eighth  and  his  former  wife  Katharine,  suc¬ 
ceeded  him.  Mary,  like  her  mother,  Katharine  of  Aragon, 
was  a  Catholic. 

A  complete  reversal  of  conditions,  both  religious  and 
political,  followed.  Catholicism  was  again  in  the  as¬ 
cendancy  in  England;  London  alone  remained  true  to 
Protestantism.  Those  Priests  who  had  married  “were 
driven  from  their  churches,  the  new  Prayer  Book  was  set 
aside  and  the  mass  restored."  The  crowning  blow  to 
Protestantism  was  now  dealt  by  Queen  Mary.  She 
married  her  cousin  Philip  of  Catholic  Spain.  Her  mar¬ 
riage  was  followed  by  a  most  bloody  and  cruel  persecu¬ 
tion  of  the  Protestant  “heretics."  Through  a  Priest, 
brought  from  Catholic  Spain,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
introduce  the  inquisition  with  all  its  horrors,  into  England. 

The  Pope  was  again  supreme;  Protestantism  was 
crushed. 

In  1559,  Queen  Mary  died,  and  Elizabeth,  the  daughter 
of  Henry  the  Eighth  and  Anne  Boleyn,  succeeded  her  as 
Queen  of  England.  She  had  been  brought  up  under 
Protestant  influences.  Again  was  there  a  reversal  of  con¬ 
ditions,  both  religious  and  political,  in  England.  Catholi¬ 
cism,  and  its  religious  and  political  adherents  were  de¬ 
throned;  Protestantism  was  again  ascendant.  Queen 
Elizabeth  became  the  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church — the 
spiritual  as  well  as  the  temporal  Ruler  of  England. 


PROTESTANTISM  IN  ENGLAND 


15 


In  1559,  Parliament  passed  Acts  requiring  every  one 
to  take  an  oath  declaring  that  Elizabeth  was  the  Supreme 
Head  of  the  Church,  and  providing  for  uniformity  of 
service  in  worship.  Some  changes  were  made  in  the  “Book 
of  Common  Prayer”  to  conform  to  the  wishes  of  Re¬ 
formers  in  matter  of  service,  but  “the  services  prescribed 
in  this  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  none  other,  were  to 
be  lawful.”  The  Clergymen  who  adopted  any  other,  even 
in  private  chapel,  committed  a  crime.  “Every  one  must 
go  to  church  on  Sunday  and  bide  prayer  and  preaching.” 
“The  whole  of  the  Clergy  that  had  been  Roman  Catholic 
under  Queen  Mary,  save  two  hundred,  submitted  to  the 
Act  of  Supremacy  and  adopted  the  Prayer  Book.” 

Now,  that  the  Protestants  felt  safe  under  the  protection 
of  the  Queen  with  their  adherents  in  high  places,  dissen¬ 
sions  and  bitter  controversies  soon  arose  within  their  own 
ranks.  These  contentions  and  dissensions,  mostly  over 
non  essentials  and  trivial  matters,  were  scarcely  less  bitter 
than  those  between  Protestants  and  Catholics.  Green 
says  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  “No  woman  ever  lived  who  was 
so  totally  destitute  of  the  sentiment  of  religion.”  She 
could  not  understand,  and  took  no  part  in  the  bitter 
theological  controversies  that  raged  around  her,  either 
between  those  in  the  Church  or  with  the  Roman  Catholics. 
“The  spiritual  problems  which  were  vexing  the  minds  of 
those  around  her  were  not  only  unintelligible,  they  were 
ridiculous.”  Neither  Protestant  nor  Catholic  could  under¬ 
stand  this  indifference  of  the  Queen.  The  result  was  that 
religion,  both  in  the  Clergy  and  Laymen,  became  decadent. 

The  Protestant  Clergy  were  becoming  intolerable  by 


16 


THE  PILGRIMS 


their  violence  and  greed.  They  plundered  the  Church 
Estates;  the  wives  of  the  Clergy  began  cutting  up  the 
gorgeous  vestments  of  the  old  worship  into  gowns  for 
themselves;  “the  old  altars  were  broken  down  and  the 
communion  table  was  often  a  bare  board  upon  trestles,” 
and  at  least  a  third  of  the  parishes  were  without  Clergy¬ 
men.  Under  these  conditions  the  people  soon  “were  found 
to  be  utterly  devoid  of  religion.”  Elizabeth  realized  these 
conditions.  She  desired,  most  earnestly,  tolerance  in  the 
church,  and  to  bring  peace  and  tranquility  to  a  disturbed 
and  distressed  nation.  She  endeavored  to  correct  the 
abuses  of  the  Clergy;  she  stopped  the  plunder  of  the 
churches,  and  filled  the  vacant  Sees  with  “learned  and 
able  men;”  she  wished  the  people  to  be  won  back  to  re¬ 
ligion  and  the  church  for  the  good  of  the  nation. 

Religious  peace  was  beginning  to  settle  down  upon 
England,  when  the  Pope  forbade  the  presence  of  Catholics 
at  the  new  worship,  “notwithstanding  the  laws  requiring 
them  to  attend  church  on  Sunday  and  abide  prayer  and 
preaching.”  Finally,  Rome  issued  “a  bull  of  excom¬ 
munication  and  deposition  against  the  Queen.”  Eng¬ 
land  was  again  thrown  into  confusion  and  religious  tur¬ 
moil.  The  rebellious  Catholics  were  ruthlessly  pursued 
and  punished  by  imprisonment  and  death.  During  her 
reign  two  hundred  Catholic  Priests  were  executed,  and  a 
greater  number  perished  in  filthy  fever  stricken  jails. 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  religious  indifference  or 
of  the  morals  of  “Good  Queen  Bess,”  she  brought  peace 
and  prosperity  to  England.  Her  reign  was  the  “Golden 
Age”  of  literature,  refinement,  prosperity,  wealth,  peace 


PROTESTANTISM  IN  ENGLAND 


17 


at  home,  and  splendor  abroad.  Roman  Catholicism  de¬ 
clined, — “England  became  firmly  Protestant ;”  the  Bible 
was  open  to  all;  everybody  who  could,  from  the  noble  to 
the  peasant,  read  it,  and  to  those  who  could  not,  it  was 
read  by  others;  men  could  be  found  reading  it  in  public 
places  to  the  crowds  gathered  around  them.  It  pro¬ 
foundly  affected  the  character  and  social  life  of  the  people; 
it  stirred  the  moral  and  religious  nature  to  its  very  depth; 
its  influence  was  elevating,  purifying  and  ennobling. 

For  the  first  time,  the  English  people  stood  face  to 
face  with  their  Christ,  and  saw  the  beauty  of  his  character 
and  life.  They  caught  a  vision  of  the  cross,  of  his  death, 
of  the  resurrection  and  immortality. 

Green  says,  that  “a  new  conception  of  life  and  of  man 
superceded  the  old.”  “A  new  moral  and  religious  impulse 
spread  through  every  class.’ *  It  was  not  alone  the  moral 
and  religious  nature  that  was  affected  by  the  open  Bible. 
The  cultural  and  intellectual  life  of  the  people  found 
inspiration  in  reading  its  pages.  Only  a  few  had  a  knowl¬ 
edge  of  the  Classics  of  Greece  and  Rome,  but  the  litera¬ 
ture  of  the  Bible  was  free  and  open  to  all;  it  was  a  store 
house  filled  with  the  richest  literary  treasures;  it  deeply 
influenced  the  intellectual  life  and  work  of  the  student, 
scholar  and  writer  of  the  Elizabethan  Age.  The  Bible 
from  a  literary  standpoint,  was  the  greatest  of  all  influences 
that  produced  the  “Golden  Age  of  Literature”  in  England. 

However,  as  the  years  went  on  apace  they  felt  less  and 
less  the  influence  of  the  gospel  of  the  New  Testament; 
they  lost  the  vision  of  the  Christ;  many  became  dissenters, 
and  turned  to  the  religion  of  the  Old  Testament;  the 


18 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Mosaic  laws  became  their  guide  and  rule  of  life ;  the  God 
of  Moses  became  their  God.  The  Puritan  became  the 
stem,  gloomy  fanatic  of  the  seventeenth  Century.  All 
beauty  excluded  from  his  life,  the  tenderness  and  human 
sympathy  gone  from  his  heart,  his  life  became  “hard, 
rigid,  stern  and  colorless.” 

The  Reformers,  feeling  that  Protestantism  was  in  the 
ascendancy,  and  safe  from  Roman  Catholicism  and  its 
persecution,  soon  began  to  sow  the  seeds  of  discord  within 
the  Established  Church.  The  English  Church  became 
torn  by  dissensions,  not  over  the  fundamentals  of  religion, 
but  over  the  form  of  worship,  service  and  church  govern¬ 
ment. 

Many  Protestants  had  fled  from  England  to  escape  per¬ 
secution  under  Queen  Mary  and  Philip  of  Spain.  They 
found  refuge  in  Switzerland,  where  they  fell  under  the 
influence  of  the  teachings  of  Calvin  and  others  of  the 
Presbyterian  faith.  The  English  Church  in  matter  of 
faith,  largely  accepted  the  Calvinistic  doctrine  of  pre¬ 
destination.  But  Calvin  further  taught  that  the  form 
of  worship  should  be  of  the  simplest,  and  that  everything 
that  “savored  of  Popery”  should  be  eliminated. 

As  the  years  went  on  many  of  the  Reformers,  both 
among  the  Clergy  and  Laymen,  under  the  influence  of 
Calvinism,  claimed  that  too  many  of  the  ceremonies  and 
services  of  the  Popish  regime  were  still  retained;  that 
abuses  had  crept  into  the  Church.  They  objected  to  the 
images  and  to  the  crucifix,  to  the  use  of  the  surplice,  the 
sign  of  the  cross  in  baptism,  the  ring  in  marriage,  kneeling 
to  receive  the  sacrament,  the  liturgy  and  the  Book  of 


PROTESTANTISM  IN  ENGLAND 


19 


Common  Prayer;  they  maintained  that  these  were  relics 
of  Popery  and  should  be  abolished.  ‘‘Some  of  the  Clergy 
wore  the  habits,  others  laid  them  aside;  some  wore  a 
square  cap,  some  a  round  one,  some  a  hat;  some  used 
the  sign  of  the  cross  in  baptism,  some  did  not;  communi¬ 
cants  received  the  sacrament  kneeling,  sitting  or  standing, 
as  the  minister  saw  fit.”  The  images  were  broken  and 
the  crucifix  abandoned;  there  was  no  longer  uniformity 
of  service  in  the  churches. 

There  was  a  body  of  Clerical  bigots  who  were  not  con¬ 
tent  with  abolishing  the  form  of  worship  and  church 
service.  They  proposed  to  establish  in  England  a  Church 
modeled  on  the  Calvinistic  plan,  i.  e.,  that  each  congre¬ 
gation  had  the  right  to  organize  its  own  Church,  elect 
its  own  minister,  and  abolish  all  form  and  ceremony. 

The  most  radical  of  these  clericals  was  Thomas  Cart¬ 
wright,  a  scholarly  and  learned  man,  a  Professor  of  Divin¬ 
ity  at  Cambridge.  He  had  studied  in  Geneva  under 
Calvin,  and  returned  to  England  a  fanatical  bigot.  He 
taught  and  preached  against  the  form  of  worship  and  the 
ceremonies  of  the  Established  Church;  he  assailed  the 
Episcopal  form  of  Church  government;  he  advocated  the 
substitution  of  the  Presbyterian  form  of  government  for 
that  of  the  Established  Church,  viz: — that  members  of 
each  church  should  select  the  minister,  and  adopt  their 
own  form  of  worship  and  church  government;  the  Acts  of 
Supremacy  and  Uniformity  passed  by  Parliament  were  to 
be  ignored.  This  was  a  direct  attack  upon  the  Supre¬ 
macy  of  Queen  Elizabeth  as  the  Head  of  the  Church. 
He  taught,  preached  and  wro«,e  ‘‘that  the  absolute  rule  of 


20 


THE  PILGRIMS 


the  Presbyters  was  established  by  the  word  of  God;” 
that  all  others  “were  to  be  ruthlessly  put  down”;  “that 
heresy  was  to  be  punished  by  death”;  that  the  Presby¬ 
terian  Church  was  to  be  supreme  even  to  the  State.  His 
teachings  were  abhorrent  and  seditious.  He  was  obliged 
to  flee  to  escape  prosecution  and  imprisonment.  He  found 
refuge  in  the  Netherlands,  where  he  continued  his  seditious 
attacks  upon  the  English  Church  and  laws,  both  by  pam¬ 
phlet  and  preaching. 

Some  radicals,  among  the  Clergy  and  some  Laymen, 
adopted  these  views,  but  the  great  body  of  the  people, 
though  Presbyterian  in  faith,  remained  loyal  to  the  Es¬ 
tablished  Church.  They  believed  that  while  reforms  were 
necessary,  yet  the  Church  should  be  purified  from  within, 
and  not  by  a  separation.  These  intelligent  and  better 
classes  had  no  thought  of  forming  a  separate  Church. 
The  Established  Church  had  proven  too  great  a  blessing 
to  the  thinking  people  of  England  for  them  to  desire  a 
separation  from  it;  it  had  saved  them  from  Catholicism 
and  its  cruelties  and  evils. 

The  name  “Puritan”  was  given  to  these  reformers 
within  the  Church.  It  was,  however,  nearly  half  a  century 
later  that  these  Puritans  withdrew  from  the  Mother 
Church,  and  established  an  independent  Church. 


Chapter  II 

RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM  IN  HOLLAND 

IN  ORDER  to  trace  the  history  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers 
back  to  their  origin,  a  brief  outline  of  the  religious 
conditions  in  Holland  is  here  given. 

The  bitter  war,  which  Catholic  Spain  had  waged  against 
the  Netherlands,  had  failed  to  crush  Protestantism  there. 
The  Netherlands  had  become  the  refuge  and  asylum  of 
every  sect  bearing  a  religious  label.  Even  their  ancient 
enemy,  the  Roman  Catholics,  were  tolerated.  It  mattered 
not  how  crude  the  creed,  nor  how  fantastical,  or  fanatical 
their  preaching  or  conduct;  there  they  found  toleration, 
liberty  of  conscience  and  freedom  of  worship. 

Amsterdam  had  become  “the  Fair  of  all  sects  where 
all  the  Peddlers  of  Religion  have  leave  to  vend  their 
toyes.”  Romanists,  Jews,  Calvinists,  Armenians,  Luther¬ 
ans,  Anabaptists,  Quakers,  Familists,  Antinomians,  and 
Separatists  or  Brownists,  were  at  liberty  to  adopt  any 
form  of  worship,  or  engage  in  any  rite  or  practice  in  the 
name  of  religion,  without  interference  from  the  State. 

Holland  has  been  called  “a  nest  of  unclean  birds,”  so 
low  and  revolting  were  some  of  the  rites  and  practices 
of  some  of  these  sects.  A  few  illustrations  will  suffice  to 
show  these  religious  conditions. 

The  Antinomians  denied  that  an  elect  person  sinned, 


21 


22 


THE  PILGRIMS 


even  when  committing  acts  in  themselves  gross  and  evil. 
They  believed  that  the  spiritual  being  is  unaffected  by 
action  of  matter;  that  carnal  sin,  at  the  worst,  is  only  a 
form  of  bodily  disease;  that  a  child  of  God  cannot  sin, 
that  the  moral  law  is  altogether  abrogated  as  a  rule  of 
life.” 

The  Familists  were  a  sect  founded  by  Henry  Nicholas, 
the  Apostle  of  “Service  of  Love.”  The  charge  was  made 
that  the  sect  denied  the  Divinity  of  Christ.  Nicholas 
claimed  that  he  was  superior  in  that,  “Moses  only  preached 
hope,  Christ  faith,  but  he  preached  love.”  He  claimed 
inpeccability,  and  no  charge  against  his  morals  was  ever 
sustained.  It  was  said,  however,  that  some  of  his  followers 
interpreted  love  “as  license.” 

The  Anabaptists  first  appeared  in  Wittenburg  in  1521. 
This  sect,  through  a  depraved  and  fanatical  leadership, 
practiced  the  lowest  forms  of  vice  in  the  name  of  religion. 
John  Matthiszoon,  a  baker  of  Haarlem,  became  its  chief 
prophet  in  Holland.  He  became  obsessed  with  the  fana¬ 
tical  idea  that  he  was  a  second  Gideon.  He,  with  thirty 
followers,  marched  around  the  walled  city  of  Muenster, 
blowing  their  horns,  expecting  the  walls  to  fall.  The  walls 
failed  to  respond  to  the  tooting  of  the  horns,  and  Mattis- 
zoon  and  his  followers  paid  the  penalty  for  their  insane 
attempt  to  destroy  the  city  with  their  lives. 

John  Boccold  of  Leyden,  called  John  of  Leiden,  a  tailor, 
was  the  chief  disciple  of  Matthiszoon.  He  gathered 
around  him  a  large  fanatical  following.  They  attacked 
and  captured  the  city  of  Muenster,  which  he  called  New 
Zion.  He  declared  that  he  was  the  successor  of  King 


RELIGIOUS  FREEDOM  IN  HOLLAND  23 


David;  that,  in  a  vision  which  he  had  received  from  heaven 
he  and  his  people  were  commanded  to  live  in  this  New 
Zion  as  King  David  and  his  people  lived  in  Zion.  He 
thereupon  established  himself  in  a  palace  and  demanded 
that  Royal  honors  should  be  paid  him;  he  legalized 
polygamy  and  took  fourteen  wives  himself,  the  “chief  of 
whom  was  the  beautiful  widow  of  Matthiszoon.”  She 
was  “called  Queen  and  wore  a  golden  crown.” 

The  city  soon  became  a  scene  of  unbridled  licentious¬ 
ness,  profligacy  and  murder.  They  “confiscated  property, 
plundered  churches,  violated  females  and  murdered  men 
who  refused  to  join  their  gang.” 

The  City  was  besieged  and  captured  by  the  Bishop  of 
Muenster  after  a  year’s  siege.  During  this  siege,  the 
people  were  reduced  to  the  direst  distress.  It  was  said 
that  even  cannibalism  was  practiced.  After  the  City  was 
captured  great  numbers  of  the  fanatical  followers  of  Leiden 
were  executed;  others  fled  and  sought  refuge  in  the  Nether¬ 
lands.  While  these  refugees  abandoned  some  of  the  licen¬ 
tious  practices  and  teachings  of  John  of  Leiden,  yet  on 
one  occasion  in  Amsterdam  seven  men  and  five  women, 
religious  fanatics,  rushed  naked  through  the  streets 
crying  “woe,  woe,  woe;  the  wrath  of  God,  the  wrath  of 
God.”  This  public  exhibition  was,  however,  going  too 
far;  they  were  arrested  and  two  of  them  were  executed. 

It  was  in  this  country  of  religious  tolerance,  that  the 
Separatists  found  refuge  when  they  fled  from  England. 

In  1549,  a  body  of  these  Anabaptists  appeared  in  Lon¬ 
don.  Later  on,  a  number  of  them  came  from  Holland  to 
England  as  weavers  in  factories,  and  settled  in  Norwich. 


24 


THE  PILGRIMS 


They  organized  an  Independent  Church,  selected  their 
own  minister  and  adopted  a  form  of  worhsip.  They 
proclaimed  the  doctrine  of  no  trinity  of  person,  no  infant 
baptism,  no  ritual,  no  conformity,  and  separation  of 
Church  and  State.  They  declared  “that  Christ  was  only 
a  holy  prophet  and  not  at  all  God;  that  he  only  taught 
the  way  to  heaven.”  They  adopted  the  Old  Testament 
as  their  Bible  and  guide. 


Chapter  III 

THE  BROWNISTS  OR  SEPARATISTS 

ROBERT  BROWNE,  one  of  the  radical  clergymen  of 
the  Established  Church,  was  the  first  English  clergy¬ 
man  to  preach,  openly  on  English  soil,  the  extreme 
doctrine  of  separation  of  Church  and  State.  About  1580, 
Browne  went  to  Norwich,  and  took  charge  of  an  English 
congregation.  He  there  found  these  Anabaptist  weavers 
from  Holland,  and  fell  under  the  influence  of  their  teach¬ 
ings.  He  soon  began  to  preach  and  teach,  to  his  English 
congregation,  the  Anabaptist’s  doctrines,  i.  e. : — that  the 
State  had  no  right  to  regulate  the  religion  of  the  subjects; 
that  the  congregation  should  separate  from  the  Church 
of  England,  adopt  its  own  faith,  form  of  worship,  church 
government  and  elect  its  own  minister.  Many  members 
of  the  English  Church  accepted  his  teachings,  and  aban¬ 
doned  the  Established  Church. 

The  authorities  could  not  permit  the  teaching  of  these 
doctrines.  Browne  was  guilty  of  treason  to  the  Queen 
and  the  Church.  He  fled  from  England  to  escape  arrest, 
and  sought  refuge  in  the  Netherlands,  where  he  organized 
an  Independent  Church.  While  in  Holland,  he  wrote 
several  books  that  were  printed  and  sent  to  England. 
They  were  so  revolutionary  and  seditious,  that  Queen 
Elizabeth  issued  a  proclamation  against  them. 


25 


26 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Browne  soon  quarrelled  with  his  congregation  in  Hol¬ 
land,  and  after  two  years  returned  to  England,  made  his 
peace  with  the  Mother  Church,  and  was  given  a  parish, 
which  he  served  for  forty  years.  “He  has  been  called 
the  Benedict  Arnold  of  Ecclesiastical  History.” 

Browne  was  the  Founder  of  the  religious  body  in  Eng¬ 
land  known  as  the  Separatists  or  Brownists,  based  on  the 
doctrines  of  the  Anabaptists  of  Norwich.  From  this  body 
sprang  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  who  settled  Plymouth. 

Through  the  influence  and  preaching  of  Browne,  other 
Separatist  congregations  sprang  up  in  London,  Gains¬ 
borough,  Scrooby  and  in  other  parts  of  England.  They 
gained  many  adherents  among  the  lower  classes.  They  were 
ignorant,  fanatical,  religious  zealots.  Bacon  says  of  them 
“that  they  were  a  silly  and  base  lot.”  They  were  the 
victims  of  leaders,  who  in  nearly  every  instance,  aban¬ 
doned  them  after  a  few  years. 

Ignorance  does  not  make  for  self  control.  Bigotry  and 
fanaticism  are  intolerant  of  the  restraints  of  law,  no 
matter  how  necessary  to  the  peace  of  the  country.  Some 
of  these  Separatists  created  disturbances  by  holding  public 
meetings  and  preaching  their  doctrine  in  the  streets  of 
London.  They  claimed  the  right  to  worship  wherever, 
and  in  any  manner  they  pleased.  They  attacked  the 
ecclesiastical  supremacy  of  the  Queen  and  the  National 
Church. 

“Good  Queen  Bess”  had  too  great  a  hold  upon  the  affec¬ 
tions  of  the  people  for  them  to  tolerate  these  public 
attacks.  They  had  not  forgotten  the  attempt  to  institute 
a  Spanish  inquisition  under  her  Predecessor,  Queen  Mary; 


THE  BROWNISTS  OR  SEPARATISTS  27 


they  remembered  that  she  had  saved  them  from  Roman 
Catholicism. 

One  of  these  public  meetings  is  described  as  a  “tumult 
in  Fleet  street  raised  by  the  disorderly  preachments, 
prating  and  prattlings  of  a  swarm  of  Separatists,  in  course 
of  which  one  Separatist,  when  caught  alone,  was  kicked 
so  vehemently  as  if  they  meant  to  beat  him  in  a  jelly.” 
These  fanatical  zealots  mistook  their  preachments  and 
extravagance  of  conduct  for  an  expression  of  true  piety 
and  religious  zeal. 

Two  men,  John  Copping,  a  shoemaker,  and  Elias 
Thacker,  a  tailor,  were  arrested  and  imprisoned  for  “violat¬ 
ing  the  ecclesiastical  law.”  It  appears  that  they  were 
treated  kindly  in  their  imprisonment;  they  were  allowed 
to  continue  their  efforts  while  in  prison  “to  improve  the 
spiritual  condition”  of  their  fellow  prisoners  without  hin¬ 
drance  from  the  authorities.  They  were  not  content, 
however,  but  began  distributing  the  seditious  pamphlets 
and  writings  of  Browne;  this  was  treason.  The  two  men 
were  hanged  as  an  example  to  prevent  “the  spread  of  this 
dangerous  infection.  ’  ’ 

Some  of  the  clergy  of  the  Church  and  laymen  denied 
the  supremacy  of  the  Queen  and  refused  to  conform, 
persistently  defying  the  laws  of  England.  Some  were 
arrested  and  suffered  the  penalties  of  the  law.  The  punish¬ 
ment  of  these  radical  clergy  and  laymen  was  often  too 
severe;  but  they  were  not  martyrs;  they  were  only  law 
breakers. 

These  Separatists  were  regarded  by  the  great  mass  of 
English  Protestants  much  as  we  regard  some  religious 


28 


THE  PILGRIMS 


fanatics  of  our  day.  Through  their  antics  and  extrava¬ 
gant  conduct  on  the  streets  they  had  become  a  public 
nuisance.  They  were  the  “holy  rollers”  of  the  sixteenth 
century. 

The  Constitution  of  our  United  States  provides  that 
“Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  the  establishment 
of  religion  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof.’ * 
Notwithstanding  these  wise  provisions  of  our  forefathers, 
both  in  Federal  and  State  constitutions,  to  divorce 
religion  from  the  State,  and  to  guarantee  to  every  man 
the  right  to  worship  God,  both  in  form  and  in  faith, 
according  to  the  dictates  of  the  individual  conscience,  yet 
many  bodies,  claiming  to  be  religious,  have  sprung  up, 
that  have  been  obnoxious,  either  in  their  practices  or 
doctrines,  to  our  people,  to  the  laws  and  to  God. 

The  most  notable  instance  has  been  the  case  of  the 
Mormans.  They  were  driven  out  of  Missouri,  even  before 
Joseph  Smith  had  his  pretended  revelation  sanctioning 
polygamy,  because  of  their  extravagant  and  fanatical 
religious  views.  They  went  to  Nauvoo,  Illinois,  where 
Smith  claimed  that  he  had  received  a  revelation  sanction¬ 
ing  polygamy,  and  where  they  began  its  practice.  The 
people  arose,  killed  Smith,  and  drove  his  followers  out  of 
the  State.  Under  Brigham  Young  as  their  leader,  they 
traveled  in  the  middle  of  winter  across  the  plains  to  Utah. 
Except  for  the  leaders — Smith,  Young  and  others,  these 
Mormans  were  poor,  uneducated,  ignorant,  superstitious 
and  credulous.  They  had  unquestioning  faith  in  the  pre¬ 
tended  revelations  of  Smith  and  other  leaders.  These 
misguided,  credulous  souls  were  hunted  down,  driven  from 


THE  BROWN  I  STS  OR  SEPARATISTS  29 


place  to  place,  and  suffered  poverty,  cold,  hunger  and  im¬ 
prisonment.  They  claimed  that,  under  the  guarantees  of 
our  Federal  and  State  constitutions  and  laws,  they  had 
the  right  to  religious  liberty  and  freedom;  The  Old  Testa¬ 
ment  was  their  guide,  and  it  sanctioned  the  practice  of 
polygamy.  Their  religious  doctrines  and  practices,  both 
before  and  after  the  adoption  of  polygamy,  were  a  menace 
to  the  peace,  happiness,  moral  and  religious  welfare  of 
our  people.  Though  they  claimed  their  treatment  was 
persecution,  yet  we  know  that  they  were  not  martrys, 
but  disturbers  of  the  peace,  and  breakers  of  the  moral 
and  civil  laws. 

These  Separatists,  though  moral  and  religious,  were  not 
martyrs.  They  were  willful  transgressors  of  the  laws  of 
England,  which  they  invoked  against  the  Catholics  while 
claiming  exemption  therefrom  for  themselves.  With  the 
fanatical  persistence  of  the  ignorant,  they  insisted  on 
suffering  a  self-imposed  martyrdom,  rather  than  obey  the 
laws,  even  though  the  penalty  was  imprisonment  and 
sometimes  death. 

The  English  Church  had  opened  the  “Sealed  Book*' 
to  all  people  in  England;  it  had  a  supreme  and  unquestion¬ 
ing  faith  in  the  Christ  of  this  “Book.”  The  Church 
believed  and  taught  the  truths  of  the  Christian  religion. 

The  reasons  for  this  separation  from  the  Established 
Church  were  not  fundamental  or  vital.  No  question  of 
faith,  creed  or  theology  was  involved.  It  was  simply  a 
question  of  the  form  of  worship  and  of  church  government. 


Chapter  IV 

JAMES  THE  FIRST  AND  PROTESTANTISM 

QUEEN  ELIZABETH  died  in  1603. 

At  the  time  of  her  death,  there  were  four  different 
religious  classes  in  England: — viz,  the  Catholics,  the 
members  of  the  Established  Church  who  believed  in  the 
supremacy  of  the  Queen  and  uniformity  of  church  service, 
those  members  of  the  Established  Church  who  believed 
in  the  supremacy  of  the  Queen,  but  who  opposed  the  ser¬ 
vices  and  ceremonies  of  the  church,  and  the  Brownists 
or  Separatists. 

James  the  First  of  Scotland,  son  of  Mary  Stuart,  suc¬ 
ceeded  Queen  Elizabeth.  Though  his  mother  was  a  Roman 
Catholic,  yet  James  had  been  brought  up  under  Presby¬ 
terian  influences  in  Scotland,  and  was  of  the  Scottish 
Kirk.  He  believed  in  the  divine  right  of  Kings, — that 
he  was  both  temporal  and  spiritual  Head  of  the  English 
Nation.  The  Acts  of  Supremacy  and  Uniformity  were 
rigidly  enforced  against  the  Catholics,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  his  mother  was  a  Catholic. 

Those  Puritans,  who  were  loyal  to  the  Established 
Church,  believed  and  insisted  that  reforms  were  necessary 
in  the  church  service,  ceremonies,  and  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  and  to  correct  the  abuses  in  the  ministry  and  in 
the  Church  Courts.  After  James’  accession  to  the  throne 


31 


32 


THE  PILGRIMS 


a  petition,  signed  by  eight  hundred  clergymen,  was  pre¬ 
sented  to  him  asking  for  reforms  in  those  matters.  They 
did  not  ask  for  any  change  in  the  organization  or  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  Church. 

The  King,  finally,  summoned  a  conference  of  Prelates 
and  Puritan  divines  at  Hampton  Court.  At  this  confer¬ 
ence  he  denied  their  petition. 

He  would  have  no  change  in  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer;  they  should  conform  or  suffer  the  penalty.  It 
was  at  this  conference  that  the  King  said  “I  will  make 
them  conform  or  I  will  harry  them  out  of  the  land.” 
He  regarded  this  petition,  not  only  as  an  attack  on  his 
supremacy  as  Head  of  the  Church,  but,  also,  as  an  en¬ 
croachment  on  his  prerogatives  and  power  as  King.  He 
lost  the  opportunity  to  reconcile  the  differences  among  the 
members  of  the  Established  Church.  Had  the  King  been 
more  temperate  in  his  treatment  of  these  petitioners,  had 
he  been  willing  to  compose  the  differences  in  the  Church 
by  granting  some  needed  reforms,  he  would  have  im¬ 
measurably  strengthened  himself  both  as  temporal  and 
spiritual  Ruler  of  England.  He  adopted,  however,  a  coer¬ 
cive  policy.  A  new  set  of  Canons  for  the  Church  was 
adopted.  “The  sentence  of  excommunication  was  now 
thundered  against  the  nonconformists.”  They  were  pro¬ 
hibited  from  affirming,  “that  the  rights  and  ceremonies 
of  the  Church  were  erroneous,  wicked  or  superstitious.” 
or  “that  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  contained  anything 
repugnant  to  the  scriptures.”  They  were  forbidden  to 
leave  the  “Communion  of  the  Church  or  set  up  separate 
establishments.”  Thus  both  Catholics,  Puritans  and 


JAMES  THE  FIRST  AND  PROTESTANTISM  33 


Separatists  were  “put  under  one  common  ban.”  In  a 
short  time  three  hundred  dissenting  ministers  “were 
silenced  or  deposed.”  Some  were  cast  into  prison  and 
some  fled  to  Holland. 

James’  loyalty  and  attachment  to  the  Established 
Church  and  Protestantism  was  political  rather  than  re¬ 
ligious  ;  he  regarded  the  Church  as  the  bulwark  of  the  throne. 

However  despicable  the  character  of  James  the  First 
may  have  been,  yet  he  was  a  scholarly  man  for  the  age  in 
which  he  lived.  To  him  must  be  given  credit  for  the  King 
James’s  version  of  the  Bible.  Objections  had  been  made 
by  some  of  the  leading  Puritans  to  the  translation  of  the 
‘Bible  then  used.  They  proposed  that  a  new  translation 
should  be  made.  To  this  proposition  the  Archbishop  and 
Prelates  of  the  Established  Church  objected.  King  James, 
notwithstanding  their  opposition,  appointed  a  commis¬ 
sion  of  fifty-four  of  the  most  learned  men  in  England  to 
make  a  new  translation.  They  completed  their  work, 
and  in  1611,  gave  to  the  world  this  incomparable  version 
of  the  Bible. 

This  translation  has  given  us  a  clearer  perception,  and 
a  deeper  insight  into  the  spiritual  character  of  the  prophets, 
the  leaders  and  the  chosen  people  of  God.  It  has  revealed 
to  us  their  deep  longing  to  know  God.  Whether  writing 
of  the  problems  which  so  deeply  affect  man — of  human 
conduct,  of  life  or  death,  or  of  God,  there  is  revealed  a 
depth  of  thought,  a  beauty  of  expression  and  style,  a 
“poetic  and  lofty  imagery,”  that  is  unequaled.  As 
Literature  the  King  James’s  version  of  the  Bible  has  lived, 
through  these  three  centuries,  pre-eminent. 


34 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  early  Reformers  and  Puritans  were  not  gloomy 
fanatics.  They  were  mainly  of  the  middle  and  professional 
classes,  and  of  good  social  standing.  They  found  pleasure 
in  the  beautiful;  they  loved  and  cultivated  literature* 
poetry,  “gravings,  sculpture,  music  and  all  the  liberal 
arts.”  Milton’s  father  was  a  lover  of  music  and  was 
skilled  on  ‘‘lute  and  organ.”  Milton,  the  ‘‘Latin  Secretary 
of  the  Commonwealth,”  was  poet,  musician  and  a  lover 
of  the  beautiful. 

The  writers  of  that  age  were  profoundly  influenced  and 
inspired  by  the  literature  of  the  Bible.  As  Puritanism 
spread  to  other  classes,  they  became  sour,  narrow,  austere, 
believing  that  the  beautiful  shut  them  out  from  God. 
The  radical  Puritans  were  ‘‘not  men  of  letters,”  nor  did 
they  cultivate  literature. 

Macauley  says  that  ‘‘as  a  body,  the  Roundheads  had 
done  their  best  to  decry  and  ruin  literature.” 

The  laws  of  Supremacy  and  Uniformity  were  enacted 
for  the  suppression  of  Catholicism,  and  to  save  Protest¬ 
antism;  at  that  time  only  a  united  Protestantism  could 
have  survived  in  the  land.  Under  these  laws,  Protest¬ 
antism  had  grown  strong,  secure  and  supreme.  The 
Brownists  or  Separatists  and  the  non-conforming  Puritans 
owed  their  religious  existence  to  these  laws.  By  their 
refusal  to  conform,  they  put  themselves  in  the  same  class 
with  the  Roman  Catholics, — under  the  ban  of  the  laws  of 
Supremacy  and  Uniformity. 

Queen  Elizabeth  and  King  James  have  been  charged 
with  persecution  in  the  enforcement  of  these  laws.  Three 
hundred  years  after,  we  know  that  the  form  of  worship 


JAMES  THE  FIRST  AND  PROTESTANTISM  35 


or  whether  the  clergy  should  wear  the  vestments,  or  a 
square,  or  round  cap  or  hat,  are  trivial,  and  not  funda¬ 
mental.  Those  were  perilous  times.  We  don’t  realize 
that  the  throne  of  England  was  then  involved;  that 
the  blessings  of  peace  were  best  assured  to  the  Nation 
by  maintaining,  with  a  firm  hand,  Queen  Elizabeth  and 
later  King  James,  both  as  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
Rulers  of  England. 

Cartwright  and  the  Separatists  would  have  placed  their 
Church  above  the  State.  Dissension,  discord  and  schism 
would  have  weakened  and  jeopardized  Protestantism. 
Had  either  the  Roman  Catholics,  Cartwright  or  the 
Separatists  succeeded,  civil  war  with  all  its  horrors,  in¬ 
tensified  by  religious  fanaticism,  would  have  resulted. 
The  outcome  would  not  have  been  in  doubt.  Protest¬ 
antism,  jealous,  controversial,  intolerant,  bigoted,  fanati¬ 
cal,  divided  into  many  sects  warring  upon  each  other, 
would  have  fallen.  Catholicism,  united,  bold,  resourceful, 
able  and  powerful,  would  have  won.  The  Pope  and  Rome 
would  have  again  triumphed.  England,  politically,  would 
have  become  Catholic. 

However  firmly,  we  may  now  believe  in  the  doctrine 
of  separation  of  Church  and  State,  it  was  a  dangerous 
one  to  preach  during  the  period  of  transition  from  Roman 
Catholicism  to  Protestantism. 

The  House  of  Stuart  was  sympathetic  toward  Roman 
Catholicism.  Nearly  a  half  century  of  the  follies,  extrava¬ 
gancies,  profligacy,  sensuality,  deceptions,  intrigue  and 
oppression  of  the  Stuart  Kings,  was  necessary  to  make 
English  Protestantism  strong  enough  to  survive  civil  war. 


36 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  rigorous  insistence  of  James  the  First  on  the  obser¬ 
vance  of  the  laws  of  Uniformity,  whatever  his  motive, 
was  effective  in  suppressing  Catholicism. 

Puritanism  grew  and  spread  among  the  people  until 
"Merrie  England"  was  transformed  into  the  stem,  gloomy, 
Cromwellian  Commonwealth.  But  Protestantism  had 
become  supreme.  Civil  war  and  the  beheading  of  Charles 
the  First  in  1649,  could  not  dethrone  it. 

The  moral  and  religious  effect  upon  the  people  of  the 
"Open  Bible”  was  to  firmly  establish  a  Protestant  Eng¬ 
land. 


Chapter  V 

THE  BROWNISTS  OR  SEPARATISTS  AT  SCROOBY 

IN  the  latter  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  the  Separatists 
had  been  practically  suppressed  and  scattered. 
Browne’s  congregation  at  Norwich  had  disappeared. 
Some  had  joined  the  Anabaptists  there,  some  returned  to 
the  English  Church  and  others  fled  to  Holland.  There 
was,  however,  a  congregation  at  Gainsborough,  with  John 
Smyth  as  pastor.  The  influence  of  Browne’s  teachings, 
however,  still  remained. 

About  1600  or  1602,  John  Robinson,  an  English  clergy¬ 
man,  who  afterwards  became  a  leader  in  the  Separatist 
Church  at  Leyden,  came  to  Norwich.  He  was  appointed 
to  St.  Andrews,  an  English  Church  in  Norwich.  He 
preached  in  this  Church  for  about  four  years.  But  he 
had  fallen  under  the  influence  of  the  Separatist  teachings; 
while  preaching  in,  and  receiving  his  living  from  the  Es¬ 
tablished  Church,  he  became  a  non-conformist  and  Sep¬ 
aratist,  and  was  suspended  by  the  Bishop.  Hearing  of 
the  Separatist  congregation  at  Gainsborough  he  went  there 
about  1604,  and  indentified  himself  with  the  movement. 
From  that  time  until  his  death  in  Leyden  in  1625,  he 
devoted  himself  to  teaching  and  preaching  the  Separatist 
doctrines. 

William  Brewster,  who  afterward  became  prominent 


37 


38 


THE  PILGRIMS 


in  the  Plymouth  Colony  in  New  England,  lived  at  Scrooby, 
a  few  miles  distant  from  Gainsborough.  He  occupied  the 
important  position  of  manager,  under  the  Queen,  of  the 
mail  and  post  station  at  Scrooby  on  the  great  highway, 
having  been  appointed  to  the  position  about  1590.  Prior 
to  this  time  he  had  been  at  Court  in  the  service  of  Sir 
William  Davison,  “Elizabeth’s  Great  Secretary.”  As 
manager  of  the  Post  he  occupied  the  “Ancient  Manor- 
House,”  which  belonged  to  the  Archbishop  of  York.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  Established  Church,  but  became 
interested  in  the  Separatist  movement,  and  joined  the 
congregation  at  Gainsborough. 

William  Bradford,  then  a  lad  of  eighteen  years,  living 
at  Austerfield,  a  few  miles  distant,  was,  also,  a  member  of 
the  Gainsborough  congregation.  Bradford  afterwards  be¬ 
came  Governor  of  Plymouth  Colony. 

In  1606,  the  congregation  at  Gainsborough  divided  into 
two  “distinct  bodys  or  churches.”  One  body,  under  the 
leadership  of  John  Smyth,  went  to  Amsterdam,  where  he 
organized  an  independent  Church.  The  other  body  went 
to  Scrooby,  where  a  Separatist  Church  was  organized 
with  Richard  Clifton  as  pastor.  John  Robinson  went  with 
the  body  to  Scrooby,  and  soon  succeeded  Clifton  as  pastor. 

As  early  as  1603,  William  Brewster,  though  a  member 
of  the  Established  Church  and  occupying  the  official 
position  as  the  Manager  of  the  Post  at  Scrooby,  was  having 
the  Separatists  meet,  in  secret,  in  the  Manor-House  or 
bam — the  property  of  the  Archbishop.  Here,  the  Scrooby 
congregation  continued  to  meet  and  hold  service  in  secret 
until  they  fled  to  Holland  in  1607. 


THE  BROWN  I  STS  AT  SCROOBY 


39 


Bradford,  who  went  with  the  congregation  to  Scrooby, 
says,  “they  ordinarily  met  at  his  (Brewster’s)  house  on 
ye  Lord’s  day  **  and  with  great  love  he  entertained  them 
when  they  came,  making  provision  for  them,  to  his  great 
charge.” 

In  order  to  obtain  recruits  to  the  Scrooby  Church, 
Clifton  and  his  successor, — Robinson,  Brewster  and 
William  Bradford  worked  diligently  among  the  ignorant 
laborers  and  peasants  of  the  Established  Church,  and  the 
poor  families  of  the  parish,  to  make  converts  to  this 
Separatist  Church.  They  proselyted,  talked  and  preached 
against  the  forms  and  ceremonies  of  the  Established 
Church;  they  said  that  the  surplice,  ring  in  marriage, 
sign  of  the  cross  in  baptism  and  the  images  were  supersti¬ 
tious  and  impious  relics  of  Popery;  that  their  use  would 
consign  the  people  to  hell;  that  the  King  was  not  the 
spiritual  Head  of  the  Church;  that  the  laws  of  Uniformity 
were  unjust,  and  the  punishment  for  failure  to  conform 
was  cruel  persecution.  They  were  exhorted  to  accept  the 
Old  Testament  as  their  guide,  and  to  worship  the  pure 
gospel  of  the  Bible  as  these  leaders  saw  it. 

This  playing  upon  the  prejudices,  their  hatred  of  Popery, 
and  the  religious  fears  of  ignorant  people,  made  non¬ 
conformists  of  many.  No  writer  has  ever  claimed  them 
as  converts  from  sin  to  a  faith  in  Christ.  They  were  only 
converts  from  the  form  of  worship  and  church  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  Established  Church  to  that  of  the  Separatist 
Church.  They  abandoned  the  services  of  the  Established 
Church;  they  refused  to  conform,  and  continued  meeting 
in  secret  “in  one  place  or  another.”  Bradford  says,  they 


40 


THE  PILGRIMS 


were  “watch t  night  and  day,”  and  some  were  “taken  and 
clapt  up  in  prison, — and  ye  most  were  faine  to  flie  and 
to  leave  their  houses  and  habitations,  and  the  means  of 
their  livelihood.” 

In  1607,  the  Post  was  taken  from  Brewster,  because  of 
his  recusancy,  and  a  keeper  loyal  to  the  Established 
Church  was  put  in  his  place.  Brewster,  while  occupying 
a  confidential  position  in  the  service  of  Sir  William 
Davison,  Secretary  of  State  of  Elizabeth,  had  visited 
Holland  with  the  “Great  Secretary.”  He  then  learned 
something  of  the  religious  freedom  of  the  many  sects  in 
Holland.  John  Smyth  had  already  taken  a  part  of  his 
Gainsborough  congregation  there.  Robinson  and  Brews¬ 
ter  now  advised  the  Scrooby  Separatists  to  flee  to  Holland. 


Chapter  VI 

THE  EXODUS 

ROBINSON  and  Brewster  could  have  done  no  greater 
wrong  to  these  poor,  ignorant,  helpless  English 
laborers  and  peasants  than  to  influence  them  to  abandon 
their  homes  in  England,  and,  without  means,  go  to  a 
foreign  country  with  new  customs,  an  unknown  language 
and  a  strange  people. 

Bradford  says  “it  was  much,  **  being  thus  constrained 
to  leave  their  native  soyle  and  countrie,  their  lands  and 
living,  and  all  their  friends  and  familiar  acquaintance.'’ 
**  “But  to  goe  into  a  countrie  they  knew  not,  **  Where 
they  must  learn  a  new  language,  and  get  their  livings 
they  knew  not  how,  **  subject  to  ye  misseries  of  warr, 
it  was  by  many  thought  an  almost  desperate  adventure, 
a  case  intolerable  and  miserie  worse  than  death,  espetially, 
seeing  that  they  were  not  acquainted  with  trads  nor 
trafflque,  **  but  had  only  been  used  to  a  plaine  countrie 
life,  and  ye  innocent  trade  of  husbandry.” 

About  one  hundred  of  these  separatist  zealots  were 
induced  by  Robinson  to  attempt  to  escape  from  England, 
and  flee  to  Holland.  Brewster,  in  the  late  summer  of 
1607,  arranged  with  a  ship  master  to  take  them  from 
Boston  in  Lincolnshire,  England,  to  Holland.  The  Scroo- 
by  Congregation  was  broken  up;  the  remainder  were 


41 


42 


THE  PILGRIMS 


scattered,  and  many  of  them  returned  to  the  English 
Church. 

In  1693,  Parliament  passed  an  Act  banishing  the  Separ¬ 
atists.  Some,  thereupon  conforming,  remained  in  Eng¬ 
land,  but  many  of  them  went  to  Holland.  These  refugees 
in  Holland  began  publishing  seditious  pamphlets  and 
books  advocating  Separatist  doctrines,  and  attacking  the 
Prelates  and  the  Established  Church.  England  was 
flooded  with  this  seditious  literature.  Appeals  were  made 
by  the  English  to  the  Dutch  authorties  to  suppress  these 
publications,  but  they  refused  to  interfere.  In  the  year 
1389,  an  Act  was  passed,  prohibiting  emigration  from 
England,  except  with  a  license.  Archbishop  Bancroft  now 
determined  to  enforce  this  old  law  of  1389,  which  required 
a  license  to  emigrate,  and  so  prevent  non-Conformists 
from  going  to  Holland,  and  there  publishing  these  sedi¬ 
tious  utterances  and  flooding  England  with  them.  A 
passport  was  now  required  of  all  who  desired  to  leave 

the  Kingdom,  or  travel  abroad.  All  Masters  of  ships 
knew  these  emigration  laws,  and  were  required  to  observe 

them  at  regular  ports  before  sailing. 

Robinson  and  Brewster  knew  that  passports  would  be 
required  before  the  people  would  be  allowed  to  sail  from 
England.  They  determined  to  evade  the  laws  and  regula¬ 
tions  of  emigration.  They  therefore  arranged  to  have  the 
people  evade  the  officers  of  the  port,  and  go  on  board  the 
ship,  secretly,  at  a  place  other  than  the  port.  The  people 
with  their  goods  came  to  Boston,  their  regular  port,  and 
were  taken  on  board  “at  a  convenient  place  **  in  ye 
night, ”  but  were  discovered  by  the  officers  of  the  port. 


THE  EXODUS 


43 


Bradford  says,  they  were  betrayed  to  the  officials  by  the 
“Maister.”  They  were  taken,  “stripte  of  their  money, 
books,  and  much  other  goods,”  and  presented  to  “ye 
Magistrates,  who  used  them  courteously  and  shewed 
them  what  favor  they  could.  ’  ’  The  Magistrates  could  not, 
however,  release^  them  “until  order  came  from  Counsell 
table.”  After  a  month’s  imprisonment,  the  order  for 
their  release  came  and  they  were  all  “except  7  of  ye 
principal  dismissed  and  sent  to  ye  places  whence  they 
came.” 

This  statement,  coming  from  Bradford,  of  the  attempt 
to  evade  the  laws  and  regulations  of  emigration  by  board¬ 
ing  the  ship  “at  a  convenient  place  in  the  night,”  their 
discovery,  arrest  and  imprisonment,  their  courteous  treat¬ 
ment  at  the  hands  of  the  magistrates,  their  release  and 
return  to  the  places  from  which  they  came,  strips  the 
story  of  the  universal  sentiment  accorded  it,  and  makes  it 
an  ordianry  account  of  an  attempt  to  avoid  the  laws  of 
emigration.  Instances,  and  many  pathetic  stories  of  dis¬ 
tress  and  suffering,  occur  constantly  in  the  enforcement 
of  all,  including  our  own,  immigration  laws.  Some  of  the 
people,  during  the  fall  of  1607,  escaped  from  England 
and  went  to  Holland.  Brewster  was  one  of  those  retained 
in  custody;  he  was  punished  for  recusancy. 

In  1608,  a  second  attempt  was  made  to  escape  from 
England.  An  arrangement  was  made  with  a  Dutch  Cap¬ 
tain,  whom  they  thought  they  could  trust,  to  transport 
them  to  Holland.  He  was  to  take  them  on  board  his 
vessel  at  a  point  on  the  Humber  river,  “a  good  way  dis- 
tante  from  any  town”,  in  order  to  avoid  the  officers  of 


44 


THE  PILGRIMS 


the  port.  The  women  and  children  were  to  be  taken  by 
a  boat  to  the  appointed  place,  while  the  men  walked 
overland.  They  reached  this  place  the  day  before  the 
ship  arrived.  The  boat,  with  the  women  and  children  on 
board,  put  into  a  “creeke  hard  by”  to  escape  the  rough 
sea.  When  the  ship  came  the  next  morning,  the  men 
were  taken  on  board,  but  because  of  the  low  tide,  the 
boat  in  the  “creeke”  with  women  and  children,  was  “fast 
and  could  not  stir  until  about  noone.”  While  the  women 
and  children  were  being  taken  on  board  the  ship,  the 
master  “espied  a  greate  company  **  with  bills,  and  guns 
and  other  weapons,  coming  to  take  them.”  The  Dutch¬ 
man  “waiged  his  anchor,  hoysed  sayles,”  and  sailed  away, 
leaving  behind  the  remainder  of  the  women  and  children 
and  some  of  the  men.  These  were  taken,  and  “hurried 
from  one  justice  to  another”  by  the  constables  “until  they 
were  glad  to  be  ridd  of  them  **  upon  any  terms.  ”  They 
were  not  imprisoned,  but  allowed  to  leave  England,  and, 
finally  reached  Amsterdam. 

It  is  with  the  greatest  sympathy  that  we  view  the  arrest, 
humiliations,  sufferings  and  distress  of  these  misguided 
and  deluded  people.  In  the  quiet  of  the  remote  country 
district  around  Scrooby,  they  had  lived  in  content  and 
peace  in  their  English  cottages.  They  were  from  the 
humbler  walks  of  life,  poor,  yet  with  enough  to  supply 
their  wants.  Though  ignorant  and  impressionable,  yet 
they  had  an  unquestioning  faith  in  the  verities  of  the  re¬ 
ligion  of  the  New  Testament  taught  by  the  Established 
Church.  They  were  influenced  to  leave  the  Mother 
Church,  and  join  this  body  of  Separatists;  they  were 


THE  EXODUS 


45 


deluded  into  leaving  their  homes  on  English  soil,  where  they 
had  lived  in  content  and  happiness,  for  lives  of  hunted 
violators  of  the  law.  They  suffered  imprisonment,  humila- 
tion  and  shame;  they  were  exiled  from  their  old  home; 
they  became  refugees  in  a  foreign  country,  with  different 
people,  customs  and  language;  they  endured  the  hardest 
kind  of  labor  and  the  greatest  poverty.  In  all  of  their 
distresses,  trials  and  sorrows,  they  found  no  peace  or  balm 
for  their  wounded  souls.  They  had  been  turned  from  the 
gentler  influences  of  the  New  Testament  to  the  austere 
tenets  of  the  Old  Testament.  Their  faith  had  been 
rooted  in  the  genial  soil  of  the  New  Testament  through 
the  Mother  Church;  they  were  now  transplanted  to  the 
cold,  hard,  stern  soil  of  the  Old  Testament  and  Puritanism. 

The  word  Separatist  meant,  as  Robison  and  Brewster 
taught,  that  these  people  had  the  right  to  withdraw  from 
the  Mother  Church  and  meet  as  an  independent  con¬ 
gregation,  select  their  own  minister,  and  adopt  their  own 
form  of  worship.  The  preaching  of  these  leaders  was  not 
of  sin  in  their  individual  lives,  but  against  a  National 
Church  and  form  of  worship.  They  were  not  any  more 
spiritual  or  purer  in  their  lives  as  non-conformists  than 
before  their  separation.  Nor  does  the  story  of  the  Separa¬ 
tists  either  in  Holland  or  in  New  England,  manifest  any 
spiritual  elevation. 

No  change  in  creed,  doctrine,  practice  or  form  of  worship 
is  of  any  value  unless  it  raises  man  to  a  higher  moral 
and  spiritual  plane.  The  weaning  of  these  Separatists 
from  the  Mother  Church  did  not  produce  this  result  in 
their  lives. 


46 


THE  PILGRIMS 


We  will  not  deify  Robinson,  Brewster  and  Bradford, 
who  by  playing  upon  the  emotional  and  religious  natures 
of  these  simple  country  folks,  seduced  them  from  the 
Mother  Church,  and  subjected  them  to  all  of  the  miseries 
that  followed  them,  both  in  Holland  and  New  England. 


Chapter  VII 

AMSTERDAM  AND  LEYDEN 

THERE  were  two  congregations  of  Separatists  in 
Amsterdam  before  that  one  from  Scrooby  arrived. 
One  of  these  came  from  London,  in  the  latter  years  of 
Queen  Elizabeth’s  reign,  with  Henry  Ainsworth  and 
Francis  Johnson  as  their  preachers.  The  other  was  the 
Gainsborough  congregation,  which  came  in  1606,  with 
the  Reverend  John  Smyth.  The  Congregation  from, 
Scrooby,  which  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  1607,  and  1608, 
with  John  Robinson  as  pastor,  worshiped  in  Amsterdam 
with  the  Gainsborough  Church  for  about  one  year.  They 
were  “so  poor  in  some  cases  as  to  be  dependent  on  the 
charity  of  Holland.’’ 

These  three  congregations  of  Separatists  were  religious 
zealots,  and  not  of  the  type  to  give  promise  of  peace  or 
harmony  in  their  church  life.  They  were  uneducated,  save 
for  a  few  leaders,  intolerant,  fanatical,  intemperate 
and  without  self  control,  even  in  their  own  respective 
churches.  These  self-exiled  Separatists  in  Amsterdam,  de¬ 
ceived  by  their  leaders,  had  deluded  themselves  into 
believing  that  their  sacrifices  and  sufferings  were  from  a 
truly  religious  motive;  that  they  had  been  elevated  to  a 
higher  religious  plane.  They  were  mistaken;  their  motive 
was,  simply,  the  stubborn  zeal  of  the  blind,  unreasoning 


47 


48 


THE  PILGRIMS 


fanatic.  These  Scroobyites  did  not  find  their  brother 
Separatists  in  Amsterdam,  dwelling  in  peace  and  harmony 
as  brothers  in  Christ.  There  were  contentions  and  dis¬ 
agreements,  not  only  between  the  Churches,  but  between 
members  of  the  same  congregation.  Bradford  confirms 
the  statement  of  other  writers  as  to  the  contentious 
character  of  these  Amsterdam  Separatists.  He  says  of 
them,  that  after  about  a  year  they  saw  that  Mr.  John 
Smyth  and  “his  companie  was  allready  fallen  into  con¬ 
tention  with  ye  church  that  was  there  before  them,” 
**  and  “that  ye  flames  were  like  to  brealce  out  in  that 
Ancient  Church  itselfe,  **  as  afterward  lamentably  came  to 
pass.” 

Mr.  Robinson  and  others  thought  it  best  to  remove 
“before  they  were  in  any  way  engaged  with  ye  same.” 

Their  contentions  were  very  trifling,  but  magnified  into 
sins  and  condemned  as  being  contrary  to  the  teachings  of 
the  Old  Testament.  The  following  is  an  illustration  of  the 
ridiculous  character  of  their  strifes.  “Ye  Ancient  Church” 
— that  is,  the  group  from  London  under  Henry  Ainsworth 
and  Francis  Johnson,  had  what  is  termed  an  “old  clothes 
controversy.”  The  Church  was  in  a  turmoil  over  the 
apparel  worn  by  the  wife  of  their  pastor,  Francis  Johnson. 
They  protested  against  “her  gold  rings,  her  busk,  her 
whalebones,  **  and  her  schowish  hat.”  “Many  of  ye 
saints  were  grieved”  by  these  unsuitable  garments.  The 
pastor’s  wife  “became  very  peert  and  coppet”  at  these 
complaints.  So  the  war  waged  hot  between  the  members 
of  the  congregation  over  this  “old  clothes  controversy.” 

John  Smyth  soon  left  his  congregation,  became  a  Baptist 


AMSTERDAM  AND  LEYDEN 


49 


and  founded  a  Baptist  Church  in  Amsterdam.  This 
Church  he,  also,  abandoned,  and  returned  to  London  in 
1611  or  1612.  The  London  and  Gainsborough  congrega¬ 
tions,  distracted  by  their  internal  dissensions  and  religious 
strife,  and  deserted  by  their  pastors,  became  scattered 
and  disappeared  altogether. 

Because  of  the  quarrels  and  strife  in  the  Amsterdam 
Church,  the  Scrooby  congregation,  consisting  of  about 
one  hundred  persons,  with  John  Robinson  as  their  pastor, 
after  living  in  Amsterdam  one  year,  left  there  and  moved 
to  Leyden. 

They  did  not  find  Leyden  a  haven  of  rest  and  religious 
peace.  They  were  from  the  country  where  they  knew 
only  “ye  innocent  trade  of  husbandry.”  They  were  un¬ 
accustomed  to  life  in  a  city.  Poverty  and  the  hardest 
kind  of  manual  labor  became  their  portion;  they  worked 
in  breweries,  brick  yards  and  factories;  some  became 
coopers,  weavers  and  dyers.  In  order  to  keep  the  wolf 
from  the  door  the  boys  and  girls  at  the  earliest  age  had 
to  be  set  to  work.  Bradford  says,  however,  that  “at 
length  they  came  to  raise  a  competente  and  comfortable 
living,  but  with  hard  and  continual  labor.”  Others 
came  to  them  from  England  and  other  places  until  they 
had  a  congregation  of  about  three  hundred  members. 

Bradford  says  that  “they  lived  together  in  peace,  in 
love  and  holiness.”  Notwithstanding  this  statement,  we 
find  that  these  Leyden  Separatists  were  of  the  same  narrow 
type  as  those  in  Amsterdam.  Controversies,  contentions 
and  disagreements  arose  and  “offences  broke  out.”  If 
they  could  not  be  composed,  “ye  church  was  purged  of 


50 


THE  PILGRIMS 


those  that  were  incurable  or  incorrigible.’ ’  This  process 
of  purging  the  church  was  causing  the  loss  of  many 
members.  It  became  a  question  as  to  whether  or  not  they 
“could  continue  to  hold  together.”  These  Separatists 
were  temperamentally  unable  to  agree,  either  with  those 
within  or  without  their  own  Church.  They  had  no  deep 
religious  convictions, — they  were  merely  fanatics. 

When  the  Scrooby  congregation  decided  to  go  to  Ley¬ 
den,  they  applied  to  the  authorities  for  permission  to 
settle  there.  Their  petition  was  granted  them  to  come 
and  make  this  fair  and  “beautiful  citie”  their  home  on 
condition  “that  such  persons  behaved  themselves  and 
submit  to  the  laws  and  ordinances.” 

They  were,  however,  temperamentally  unable  to  refrain 
from  active  participation  in  the  religious  wars  between 
the  sects  in  Leyden. 

The  Separatists  were  intense  Calvinists.  They  took 
part  in  the  controversies  between  the  Calvinists  and  Ar¬ 
menians — the  most  bitter  of  the  religious  disputes  which 
raged  in  Leyden.  On  coming  to  Leyden  their  pastor, 
Mr.  Robinson,  championed  the  cause  of  Calvinism  so  suc¬ 
cessfully  that  he  with  the  help  of  the  Lord  “did  so  foyle 
his  adversarie”  as  to  put  him  to  apparent  nonplus.”  The 
feeling  between  the  two  sects  became  so  bitter  that  their 
adherents  engaged  in  battles  in  the  public  streets.  The 
Calvinists  of  the  city  attacked  the  Armenians,  who  barri¬ 
caded  and  entrenched  themselves  in  a  “kind  of  fort”  in 
the  street. 

Robinson,  Brewster  and  their  followers  were  not  only 
disturbers  of  the  peace  in  the  city  of  Leyden;  they,  also, 


AMSTERDAM  AND  LEYDEN 


51 


engaged  in  matters  which  were  likely  to  disturb  the  friend¬ 
ly  relations  between  Holland  and  England. 

After  the  establishment  of  the  censorship  in  England, 
which  prevented  the  printing  of  the  seditious  books  and 
pamphlets  of  Cartwright  and  Browne,  the  writers  of  sedi¬ 
tious  literature  resorted  to  the  plan  of  sending  their  man¬ 
uscripts  to  Holland,  having  them  printed  there,  and  then 
smuggling  the  books  and  pamphlets  into  England,  and 
flooding  the  country  with  them. 

William  Brewster  taught  English  to  the  Dutch  for  a 
time,  and  afterwards  learned  the  printer’s  trade.  He 
afterwards  entered  into  a  partnership  with  one  Thomas 
Brewer  to  engage  in  the  printing  business  in  Leyden. 
Brewer  furnished  the  money  for  the  business,  and  Brews¬ 
ter  did  the  work  of  printing.  At  least  sixteen  seditious 
books,  attacking  the  Established  Church  and  the  supre¬ 
macy  of  the  King  of  England,  were  printed  by  Brewer 
and  Brewster  during  the  years  1617,  1618,  and  1619.  The 
work  of  printing  one  of  these  books  “David  Calderwood’s 
Perth  Assembly”  was  done  by  Brewster.  After  printing 
these  books,  Brewster  smuggled  them  into  England, 
where  they  were  secretly  scattered  abroad  by  the  Separa¬ 
tists. 

“Calderwood’s  Perth  Assembly”  was  a  direct  attack  on 
King  James  the  First,  charging  him  with  “political, 
chicanery”  in  attempting  to  compel  the  Scottish  Churches 
to  conform.  The  Netherland  government  believed  in  the 
liberty  of  the  press.  So  long  as  an  author  did  not  assail 
private  character,  nor  offend  public  morals,  his  opinion 
on  politics  or  religion  did  not  concern  the  government. 


52 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Though  England  had  appealed  to  the  Dutch  authorities 
to  suppress  the  printing  of  books  assailing  the  Established 
Church  and  its  doctrines,  yet  their  appeals  were  denied 
on  the  ground  that  they  were  neither  attacks  against 
private  character,  nor  did  they  offend  public  morals.  This 
book  “Calderwood’s  Perth  Assembly,”  however,  assailed 
the  private  character  of  the  King.  The  printing  of  the 
book,  and  smuggling  it  into  England  by  Brewster  was  a 
breach  of  Dutch  laws. 

Brewster  never  seemed  to  appreciate,  either  in  England 
or  in  the  Netherlands  in  which  he  had  found  sanctuary  on 
fleeing  from  England,  that  any  duty  devolved  on  him  to 
observe  the  laws  of  either  country.  He  was  now  obliged 
to  flee  from  Holland  to  escape  prosecution  by  the  Dutch 
authorities  for  printing  this  book  attacking  the  private 
character  of  King  James.  William  Brewster  was  not  the 
object  of  “persecution,”  but  of  just  and  proper  prosecu¬ 
tion  for  a  willful  offense  against  the  laws  of  Holland. 

The  records  made  by  the  Separatists  in  Leyden  are 
evidence  of  the  fact  that  they  did  not  “behave  themselves*  ’ 
in  Leyden.  Evidently,  they  were  unpopular,  if  not  ob¬ 
noxious  to  the  Leydenites,  for  Bradford  says  that  upon 
a  rumor  of  their  removal  from  Holland  some  “cast  out 
slanders  against  them,  as  if  that  State  had  been  wearie 
of  them.”  He  says,  however,  that  such  charges  were 
“untrue  and  slanderous.”  It  became  apparant  after  a  few 
years  that,  for  many  reasons,  it  would  be  better  for  them 
to  leave  Holland. 


Chapter  VIII 

DECISION  TO  EMIGRATE  TO  THE  NEW  WORLD 

THERE  were  many  reasons  which  made  it  seem 
necessary  that  they  should  leave  Holland.  They 
were  losing  hold  upon  their  children  as  they  grew  up. 
Some  married  into  Dutch  families ;  the  boys  were  becom¬ 
ing  soldiers  or  going  to  sea;  the  sports,  games,  licentious¬ 
ness  and  white  lights  of  the  Dutch  city  lured  many  from 
the  Church.  The  discords,  schisms  and  strifes,  within 
and  without  the  Church,  were  tending  toward  disintegra¬ 
tion;  members  began  falling  away  or  were  expelled  from 
the  Church.  The  leaders  saw  “that  within  a  few  more 
years  they  would  be  in  danger  to  scatter.”  Their  pre¬ 
dictions  were  correct.  After  the  death  of  pastor  Robinson 
in  1625,  the  members  of  the  Church  scattered,  and  entirely 
disappeared  as  an  independent  congregation,  and  “all 
trace  of  these  Scrooby  exiles”  was  lost. 

Another  very  serious  danger  threatened  them.  In  1609, the 
N etherlands  and  Spain,  after  thirty  years  of  the  most  bloody 
and  relentless  war,  agreed  upon  a  truce  for  twelve  years. 
This  truce  would  expire  in  1621,  when  there  was  every 
reason  to  believe  that  the  war  would  be  renewed,  bringing 
all  of  its  horrors  to  the  people  living  in  Holland.  The 
conditions,  therefore,  both  within  and  without  the  Church > 
were  so  unsettled,  disturbed  and  dangerous  that  “those 


53 


54 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Prudent  Governours” — Robinson,  Brewster  and  Brad¬ 
ford,  “begane  both  deeply  to  apprehend  their  present 
dangers,  and  wisely  to  forsee  ye  future,  and  think  of  time¬ 
ly  remedy.”  They  concluded,  therefore,  that  it  was  best 
to  remove  to  some  other  place. 

For  a  number  of  years  many  in  England  and  Holland, 
had  been  emigrating  and  establishing  colonies  in  the  New 
World.  Fabulous  stories  were  told  of  gold,  silver  and 
riches  found  in  America  by  the  Spaniards.  In  1607,  a 
Colony  from  England  had  settled  in  Virginia.  It  had 
grown,  was  prospering,  and  by  1619,  had  become  well 
established.  Their  thoughts  turned,  therefore,  to  ‘‘some 
of  those  vast  and  unpeopled  countries  of  America,  which 
are  fruitful  and  fitt  for  habitation.” 

When  ‘‘those  Prudent  Governours”  made  public  the 
proposition  to  emigrate  to  America,  there  was  great  op¬ 
position  to  it.  The  ‘‘perils  and  dangers”  were  too  great; 
the  long  and  perilous  sea  voyage,  the  fear  of  famine  and 
want,  and  grievous  diseases  ‘‘from  change  of  air,  diate 
and  drinking  of  water,”  dangers  from  the  cruel,  bar¬ 
barous  and  “most  treacherous  savages,”  the  great  sums 
of  money  that  would  be  required  “to  furnish  such  a 
voiage  and  fit  them  with  necessaries”  and  the  reports  of 
failures  of  some  colonies  that  had  already  gone,  were 
urged  against  the  proposition.  The  “Prudent  Govern¬ 
ours”  responded  that  many  of  these  things  which  they 
feared  “might  never  befale,”  and  others  by  “provident 
care”  might  in  a  great  measure  be  prevented. 

It  was  further  urged  that  they  lived  here  “as  men  in 
exile,  and  in  a  poor  condition,  and  as  great  miseries 


DECISION  TO  EMIGRATE 


55 


might  befale  them  in  this  place;”  that  “the  12  years  of 
truce  were  now  out  and  there  was  nothing  but  beating 
of  drumes,  and  preparing  for  war;”  that  “ye  Spaniard 
might  prove  as  cruel  as  the  salvages  of  America,  and  ye 
famine  and  pestilence  as  sore  hear  as  ther.”  The  dangers 
of  remaining  in  Leyden  might  prove  greater  than  those  of 
emigrating  to  America ;  finally,  a  majority  was  won  over 
to  “put  this  design  in  execution.” 

Their  deliberations  were  then  turned  to  the  selection  of 
a  place  to  go.  Among  the  places  discussed  was  Virginia, 
“where  ye  English  had  already  made  entrance  and  be¬ 
ginning.”  The  objection  was  raised  that  Virginia  was 
settled  by  Englishmen  and  was  under  the  English  Govern¬ 
ment;  that  if  they  settled  there  they  might  be  “persecuted 
for  the  cause  of  religion.”  The  answer  to  this  was, 
that  they  would  there  be  under  the  protection  of  England , 
and  that  if  they  lived  “too  far  off,  they  should  neither 
have  succor  nor  defense  from  them,”  that  they  would 
“sue  to  his  Majesty  ***  to  grant  them  freedom  of  re¬ 
ligion.” 

Virginia  was  finally  selected  as  the  most  desirable. 
They  decided,  however,  to  locate  their  colony  in  some 
remote  part  of  Virginia  territory,  and  to  live  there  as  a 
“distincte  body  by  themselves;”  but  “under  ye  general 
government  of  Virginia,”  under  the  protection  of  the 
English  government. 


Chapter  IX 

PATENT  OBTAINED  TO  LAND  IN  VIRGINIA 
AND  CONTRACT  WITH  THE  MERCHANTS 


ON  April  10,  1606,  King  James  the  First  granted 
letters  patent,  for  the  settlement  of  America,  to 
two  companies.  One  grant  was  to  Sir  Thomas  Gates  and 
others,  known  as  the  The  London  Company,  and  was  for 
territory  called  Virginia,  between  34  and  41  degrees  of 
latitude.  The  northern  boundary  of  this  grant  was  above 
Manhattan  Island,  which  was  then  occupied  by  the  Dutch. 
The  other  grant  was  to  Sir  George  Popham  and  others, 
known  as  The  Plymouth  Company,  covering  territory, 
which  was  later  called  New  England,  between  latitudes 
38  and  44.  While  these  grants  overlapped,  yet  there  was 
a  provision  for  a  neutral  zone.  Neither  Company  should 
make  any  settlement  nearer  than  one  hundred  miles  to 
the  one  made  by  the  other  Company. 

The  Plymouth  Company,  however,  did  not  succeed  in 
establishing  any  colony  in  New  England  territory,  and 
finally,  abandoned  its  grant.  In  1607,  the  first  permanent 
English  settlement  in  America,  was  established  at  James¬ 
town,  Virginia,  under  The  London  Company  sometimes 
called  The  Virginia  Company.  Many  colonists  followed, 
establishing  settlements  or  plantations  on  both  sides  of 
the  James  River  from  Old  Point  Comfort  to  Henrico  near 


57 


58 


THE  PILGRIMS 


the  present  site  of  Richmond,  and,  also,  on  the  eastern 
shore  of  Virginia.  By  1620,  these  Colonies  were  well 
established ;  the  colonists  were  living  under  a  reign  of  law ; 
courts  had  been  organized,  and  men  had  the  right  of  trial 
by  a  jury  of  their  Peers,  and  a  legislative  body  elected  by 
the  people. 

In  1619,  Sir  George  Yeardly  returned  to  Jamestown  as 
Governor,  under  an  appointment  by  the  King,  bringing 
with  him  instructions  providing  for  a  legislative  body  for 
the  Colony,  composed  of  two  members  from  each  planta¬ 
tion,  to  be  elected  by  a  vote  of  the  people.  There  were 
eleven  plantations  in  the  Colony.  An  election  was  held, 
and  two  members  were  elected  from  each  plantation  to 
the  General  Assembly.  On  July  30,  1619,  the  first 
legislative  body  elected  by  a  vote  of  the  people  in  the 
New  World  convened  at  Jamestown. 

These  Virginia  Colonists,  before  the  landing  of  the 
Pilgrims  at  Plymouth,  were  enjoying  the  privileges,  bene¬ 
fits  and  blessings  of  an  organized,  representative  govern¬ 
ment,  with  religion  and  the  Church  as  its  chief  corner¬ 
stone;  they  were  living  in  a  reign  of  law,  under  the  protec¬ 
tion  of  the  English  flag.  At  Jamestown,  on  the  banks  of 
the  James  River  was  “laid  the  foundation  of  representa¬ 
tive  Government*'  in  this  country.  The  seed  of  democ¬ 
racy  was  first  planted  in  the  soil  of  Virginia,  and  not  on 
the  rock  bound  coast  of  New  England. 

After  due  deliberation,  John  Robinson,  William  Brews¬ 
ter,  William  Bradford,  and  other  leaders  of  the  Leyden 
Separatists,  decided  to  emigrate  to  Virginia,  notwith¬ 
standing  the  fact  that  Virginia  was  an  English  Colony 


PATENT  OBTAINED  FOR  LAND 


59 


ruled  by  a  King  who  was  both  temporal  and  spiritual 
Head  of  the  English  Nation  and  its  Colonies.  They 
would  be  living  there  under  a  government  where  they 
would  have  the  right  to  “succor  and  defense,”  even  though 
they  would  be  subject  to  the  laws  of  Uniformity  and  Supre¬ 
macy.  They  had  the  hope  that,  through  influential 
friends,  “his  Majestie  might  grant  them  freedom  of  re¬ 
ligion.”  The  King,  however,  refused  this  request.  The 
best  he  would  say  was  that  he  would  “not  molest  them 
provided  they  carried  themselves  peaceably,  **  but  to 
allow  or  tolerate  them  by  his  publicke  authoritie  under 
his  seal,  they  found  it  could  not  be.” 

They  now  sent  their  agents,  John  Carver  and  Robert 
Cushman,  to  London  to  procure  a  patent  from  The  Lon¬ 
don  Company  to  settle  in  Virignia  “on  the  best  terms 
obtainable.”  John  Carver  and  Robert  Cushman  were 
not  members  of  the  Scrooby  congregation  in  England. 
Carver  had  come  to  Holland,  married  a  sister  of  John 
Robinson,  and  joined  the  congregation  in  Leyden.  John 
Robinson  and  William  Brewster  gave  to  their  agents, 
Carver  and  Cushman,  a  written  statement  signed  by 
them  in  order  to  induce  the  London  Company  to  grant 
them  a  patent.  This  statement  was  entirely  inconsistent 
with  their  doctrines  as  Separatists;  it  was  a  recognition 
of  the  Established  Church  and  of  the  King  as  spiritual  Head 
of  the  Church.  This  statement  is  substantially  as  follows : — 
“1.  To  the  confession  of  faith  published  in  the 
name  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  to  every  article 
thereof,  we  do  with  the  reformed  churches  where  we 
live,  and,  also,  elsewhere,  assent  wholly. 


60 


THE  PILGRIMS 


“2.  Acknowledging  the  doctrine  of  faith  there 
taught  **  we  will  practise  in  our  parts  all  lawful  things. 

“3.  The  King’s  Majesty  we  acknowledge  for  su¬ 
preme  Governor  in  his  dominion  in  all  causes  and  over 

all  persons,  **  that  in  all  things  obedience  is  due  unto 
him,  either  active,  if  the  thing  commanded  be  not 
against  God’s  word,  or  passive,  if  it  be,  except  par¬ 
don  can  be  obtained. 

“4.  We  judge  it  lawful  for  his  Majesty  to  appoint 
bishops,  civil  overseers,  or  officers  in  authority  under 
him,  in  the  several  provinces,  dioceses,  congregations 
or  parishes,  to  oversee  the  churches  and  govern  them 
civilly  according  to  the  laws  of  the  land.  ** 

“5.  The  authority  of  the  present  bishops  in  the 
land  we  do  acknowledge,  so  far  as  the  same  is  derived 
from  his  Majesty.” 

Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  Treasurer  of  The  London  Company, 
wrote  to  Robinson  and  Brewster,  that  the  writing  “sub¬ 
scribed  with  your  names,”  has  given  “a  good  degree  of 
satisfaction,”  but  the  Council  desired  further  time  to 
consider  the  petition.  Bradford  says,  that  some  “unjust 
insinuations  were  made  against  us,”  evidently  touching 
ecclesiastical  matters,  and  their  practices  in  the  Separatist 
Church,  which  the  Council  desired  explained.  When 
these  “insinuations”  were  reported  to  Robinson  and 
Brewster,  they  replied  that  they  were  substantially  in 
accord  with  “the  French  reformed  churches  according  to 
their  public  confession  of  faith,”  (which  was  in  accord 
with  that  of  the  Established  Church),  that  “the  oath  of 
supremacie  we  shall  willingly  take  if  it  be  required  of  us.” 


PATENT  OBTAINED  FOR  LAND 


61 


That  they  were  willing  to  take  the  oath  of  “supremacie,” 
was  an  acknowledgment  of  the  King  as  the  spiritual  Head 
of  the  Church,  yet  they  became  voluntary  exiles  from 
their  native  land,  because  they  had  refused  to  recognize 
the  spiritual  supremacy  of  the  King;  that  they  were 
now  walling  to  acknowledge  his  supremacy  confirms  the 
fact  that  their  emigration  to  the  New  World  was  not  for 
religious  freedom,  but  purely  economic. 

After  many  delays,  and  at  the  cost  of  much  “labor  and 
charge,”  The  London  Company  granted  them  a  patent 
for  a  settlement  in  Virginia.  In  fact,  The  London  Com¬ 
pany  was  the  only  source  from  which  they  could  obtain 
a  patent  to  land  in  the  English  part  of  the  New  World, 
and  they  could  not  emigrate  without  a  patent.  By  the 
advice  of  some  friends  this  patent  was  taken  in  the  name 
of  John  Wincob,  a  “religious  gentleman  of  the  county  of 
Lincoln,  who  intended  to  go  with  them;”  but  when  they 
wrere  ready  to  sail  he  refused  to  go.  As  we  shall  see  later, 
though  sailing  under  the  authority  of  this  patent,  yet  they 
never  made  use  of  it. 

After  this  patent  was  obtained,  it  was  found  that  a  large 
sum  of  money  w-ould  be  required  to  obtain  ships  and  fur¬ 
nish  supplies  for  the  voyage,  and  for  their  support  after 
arriving  in  Virginia.  These  people  were  poor  and  without 
means ;  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  find  parties  who  would 
finance  the  expedition.  After  negotiations  with  various 
parties,  an  agreement  was  made  with  Mr.  Thomas  Weston 
and  other  merchants,  called  the  “Adventurers,”  in  London 
to  furnish  the  money  and  make  “provisions  both  for  ship¬ 
ping  and  other  things  for  the  voyage.” 


62 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  following  are  substantially  the  terms  of  the  agree¬ 
ment  between  the  Merchant  Adventurers  and  the  Colon¬ 
ists,  called  “Planters.” 

1.  Every  person  that  “goeth  being  aged  sixteen 
years  and  upwards”  was  rated  at  ten  pounds. 

2.  If  the  planter  going  also  furnished  ten  pounds 
in  money  or  other  provision,  he  was  to  be  accounted 
as  having  twenty  pounds  in  stock. 

3.  The  planters  going  and  “the  adventurers  were 
to  continue  their  joint  stock  partnership  for  seven 
years,  “during  which  time  all  profits  and  benefits 
that  are  gott  by  trade,  traffick,  trucking,  working, 
fishing  or  any  other  means,”  were  to  remain  in  one 
common  stock  until  the  division. 

4.  Some  were  to  engage  in  fishing,  and  the  rest 
in  building  houses,  tilling,  planting  ye  ground,  and 
making  such  commodities  as  should  be  most  useful 
for  “ye  Collonie.” 

5.  At  the  end  of  seven  years  the  capital  and 
profits,  i.  e. — houses,  lands,  goods  and  chattels  were 
to  be  equally  divided  between  the  Adventurers  and  the 
Planters. 

7 .  A  person  carrying  wife  and  children  or  servants, 
was  to  be  allowed  for  every  person,  age  sixteen 
years  and  upwards,  a  single  share,  or  if  between  ten 
and  sixteen  years  old,  then  two  of  them  were  to  be 
reckoned  a  person. 

8.  That  children  under  ten  years  were  to  have  no 

share  in  the  division,  but  fifty  acres  of  unmanured  land. 

***** 


PATENT  OBTAINED  FOR  LAND 


63 


10.  That  all  Colonists  were  to  have  “meat,  drink 
and  apparel,  and  all  provisions  out  of  the  common 
stock  and  goods  of  the  Colony.” 

There  was  much  opposition  to  the  terms  of  this  con¬ 
tract  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Robinson  and  others,  although 
they  were,  finally,  accepted.  The  terms  were,  that  the 
Adventurers  should  furnish  the  money  for  the  shipping, 
supplies,  and,  also,  for  subsistence  after  the  Colonists 
arrived  in  the  New  World.  The  Planters  were  to  have 
their  meat,  drink,  apparel  and  all  provisions,  in  fact, 
their  entire  living  and  support  out  of  the  common  stock; 
at  the  end  of  seven  years  all  profits  made  from  all  sources, 
including  the  land  acquired,  and  all  property  were  to  be 
divided  equally, — the  Adventurers  to  have  one  half,  and 
the  Planters  the  other  half  thereof. 

This  Community  plan  did  not  tend  to  promote  the  best 
interests  of  the  Colonists.  It  was,  however,  substantially 
the  same  plan,  both  as  to  terms  and  length  of  time,  that 
was  made  between  the  Virginia  Company  and  the  Colon¬ 
ists  that  settled  at  Jamestown.  As  subsequent  events 
proved,  the  Adventurers  received  no  profits,  but  suffered 
a  heavy  loss.  The  advantage  was  all  on  the  side  of  the 
Planters  for  they  received  their  transportation,  provisions 
on  the  voyage,  and  their  living  for  seven  years.  At  the 
final  settlement  the  Adventurers  did  not  receive  back 
even  the  money  invested  by  them,  while  the  settlers 
retained  all  the  property,  all  improvements,  houses  and 
lands,  that  had  accumulated  or  been  acquired  during  the 
said  term  of  seven  years. 


Chapter  X 

THE  DEPARTURE 

HAVING  obtained  their  patent  to  plant  their  Colony 
in  Virginia  territory,  and  their  agreement,  dated 
July  1,  1620,  with  Thomas  Weston  and  other  merchants 
to  furnish  the  money  for  the  enterprise,  plans  were  made, 
supplies  provided  and  ships  engaged  for  the  voyage. 
These  supplies  included  five  cannon,  guns  and  munitions, 
and  a  military  commander,  Captain  Miles  Standish,  for 
the  Colony. 

There  were  about  three  hundred  members  of  the  Ley¬ 
den  congregation  at  this  time,  but  only  one  hundred  and 
fifty  had  expressed  a  willingness  to  emigrate.  Some 
Separatists  from  Amsterdam  had  expressed  a  desire  to 
join  them,  but  as  the  time  for  departure  drew  nigh  they 
decided  not  to  emigrate.  Robert  Cushman,  in  a  letter, 
says  “as  for  them  of  Amsterdam  I  had  thought  they  would 
as  soone  have  gone  to  Rome  as  with  us,  for  our  libertie  is 
to  them  as  ratts  bane,  and  their  riggour  as  bad  to  us  as 
ye  Spanish  Inquisition.’ *  The  religious  liberty  and  the 
association  with  the  gaiety  and  pleasures  of  this  “beautiful 
citie,”  with  its  manifold  temptations,  had  weaned  these 
Leyden  Separatists  from  the  stern  and  rigorous  religious 
views  they  had  formerly  entertained.  When  it  came  to 
the  crucial  point  of  departure  only  thirty-three  emigrated 


65 


66 


THE  PILGRIMS 


from  Le}Men.  They  had  religious  freedom  in  Leyden, 
then  why  go  to  the  wilds  of  the  New  World  to  obtain  it? 

William  Brewster  and  William  Bradford  were  the  only 
known  members  from  the  original  congregation  at  Scrooby 
who  came  in  the  Mayflower  to  New  England.  The  little 
vessel,  Speedwell  with  thirty-three  passengers  sailed  on 
August  1,  1620,  from  Delft  Haven  for  Southampton. 
They  were  joined  at  Southampton  by  the  Mayflower,  with 
a  company  of  emigrants  from  London.  Many  of  these 
were  men  whom  the  Merchant  Adventurers  had  induced 
to  go.  Among  them  were  some  “undesirables.”  William 
Brewster,  who  had  fled  from  Holland  to  escape  prosecu¬ 
tion,  with  his  wife  and  two  children,  Love  and  Wrastling, 
joined  the  expedition  at  Southampton. 

The  Speedwell  was  a  small  ship  and  only  twenty  were 
allotted  to  go  in  her  and  one  hundred  in  the  Mayflower- 
On  August  6,  1620,  the  ships,  Speedwell  and  Mayflower, 
sailed  from  Southampton  for  the  New  World.  The 
Speedwell,  after  two  successive  attempts  to  proceed  was 
found  to  be  unsea  worthy.  It  was,  finally  decided  that 
those  who  desired  to  return  together  with  some  of  the 
children  and  weaker  ones  should  be  taken  back  in  the 
Speedwell,  and  the  remainder  should  sail  in  the  Mayflower. 
On  September  6,  1620,  the  Mayflower  sailed  with  one 
hundred  emigrants  on  board  including  men,  women  and 
children.  Two  children  were  born  during  the  voyage, — 
one  to  Stephen  Hopkins  and  his  wife  Elizabeth,  whom 
they  called  “Oceanus.”  Of  these,  thirty-three  were  from 
Leyden  and  sixty-seven  were  from  England.  Of  the 
thirty-three  who  came  from  Leyden,  about  twelve  were 


THE  DEPARTURE 


67 


men,  six  women,  five  named  as  servants  and  ten  children; 
some  of  these  were  not  members  of  the  Separatists  con¬ 
gregation;  some  of  the  women  were  Dutch,  whom  the 
young  men  had  married  in  Leyden.  Captain  Miles 
Standish  and  his  wife,  Rose,  were  English,  but  not  Separa¬ 
tists,  although  living  in  Leyden.  He  had  been  a  soldier 
in  Holland  in  the  war  with  Spain,  and  joined  them  from 
a  love  of  adventure  as  the  fighting  man  of  the  Colony. 

Bradford  called  those  sailing  from  Delft  Haven  in  the 
Speedwell,  “Pilgrimes.”  From  this  incident  all  of  those 
who  sailed  in  the  Mayflower,  although  there  were  many 
‘‘undesirables”  from  London,  have  been  called  “Pilgrim 
Fathers.”  William  Brewster  and  William  Bradford,  how¬ 
ever,  were  the  only  Pilgrims  from  Scrooby. 

The  term  “Pilgrims”  and  “Puritans”  have  often  been 
erroneously  and  indiscriminately  applied  to  all  early 
colonists  in  New  England.  The  “Pilgrims”  were  Separa¬ 
tists,  who  withdrew  from  the  Mother  Church.  The  “Puri¬ 
tans”  originally  advocated  reforms,  but  not  a  separation 
from  the  Established  Church.  The  Pilgrims  established 
Plymouth  Colony  in  1620,  The  Puritans  planted  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  in  1630. 

The  remainder  of  the  Leyden  congregation,  numbering 
about  two  hundred  and  seventy  persons,  and  their 
pastor,  William  Robinson,  were  satisfied  with  the  religious 
freedom  which  they  enjoyed  in  that  “goodly  and  pleasant e 
citie.”  Those  from  Holland  who  sailed  in  the  Mayflower 
were  nearly  all  young  people  who  had  always  enjoyed 
liberty  of  conscience  and  religious  freedom.  Of  all  those 
both  from  Holland  and  England,  there  were  only  two  over 


68 


THE  PILGRIMS 


fifty  years  of  age  and  forty-nine  over  forty,  the  remainder 
were  young  people.  William  Brewster  was  over  sixty 
years  old,  Bradford  thirty-one,  Edward  Winslow  twenty- 
five,  Isaac  Allerton  thirty-two,  Miles  Standish  twenty-six 
and  John  Alden  twenty-one.  John  Alden  was  a  Cooper, 
who  emigrated  from  Southampton,  England.  He  was  not 
one  of  the  “ Pilgrims.’ ’ 


Chapter  XI 

MOTIVE  FOR  EMIGRATING 


WE  have  for  centuries  idealized  the  Pilgrim  Fathers 
as  men  who,  braving  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  came 
to  a  wilderness  inhabited  by  wild  beasts  and  cruel  savages, 
and  suffered  cold,  hunger,  privation  and  death  for  con¬ 
science  sake. 

Poets  and  novelists  have  sung  their  praises,  artists 
have  put  on  canvas  pictures  portraying  the  sufferings 
of  these  emigrant  Separatists,  sculptors  have  carved 
in  imperishable  marble  heroic  figures  of  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers,  and  historians  have  ascribed  to  them  all  the 
virtues  of  men  who  suffered  for  a  religious  principle. 

What  were  the  motives  that  induced  these  Separatists 
to  emigrate  to  America?  Were  these  motives  religious, 
or  only  economic? 

We  glean  from  Bradford’s  History, — the  original  source, 
the  real  reasons  why  they  left  Holland  and  came  to  Ameri¬ 
ca.  In  the  4th  chapter  entitled  “Showing  ye  reasons  and 
causes  of  their  removal,’’  he  says,  “There  were  sundrie 
weightie  and  solid  reasons”  for  the  removal. 

First.  That  because  of  the  “hardnes  of  ye  place  and 
countrie,”  many  that  came  to  them  could  not  endure 
“the  great  labor  and  hard  fare,  with  other  incon¬ 
veniences.” 


69 


70 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Secondly.  That  “old  age  began  to  steale  on  many  of 
them  **  that  within  a  few  years  more  they  would  be  in 
danger  to  scatter  by  necessities  pressing  them,  or  sink 
under  their  burden.” 

He,  evidently,  had  in  mind  the  ending  of  the  truce 
in  1621,  between  Spain  and  the  Netherlands;  that 
war  would  then  be  renewed,  and  they  would  be 
subjected  to  all  its  cruelties  and  horrors;  that  their 
sons  would  be  obliged  to  fight  in  defense  of  their 
adopted  country;  in  fact,  even  now  “some  became 
soldiers;”  that,  as  heretics,  if  Spain  was  victorious, 
these  Separatists  would  go  to  the  block  and  stake. 
At  that  time  this  seemed  to  be  a  real  menace  threaten¬ 
ing  them.  Under  these  dismal  and  gloomy  forebodings 
Bradford  says,  “and,  therefore,  according  to  ye  divine 
proverb,  that  a  wise  man  seeth  ye  plague  when  it 
cometh,  and  hideth  himselfe,  Pro.  22-3,  so  they  skillful 
and  beaten  soldiers  were  fearful  either  to  be  entrappep 
or  surrounded  by  their  enemies,  so  as  they  should 
neither  be  able  to  fight  nor  flie,  **  and  therefore  thought 
it  better  to  dislodge  betimes  to  some  place  of  better 
advantage  and  less  danger.” 

Thirdly.  That  their  children  were  “oppressed  with 
their  heavie  labor”  so  that  their  “bodies  bowed  under 
ye  weight  of  ye  same,  and  became  decreped  in  their 
early  youth.  ***  But  that  which  was  more  lament¬ 
able,  and  of  all  sorrowes  most  heavie  to  be  borne,  was 
that  many  of  their  children,”  because  of  “ye  great 
licentiousness  of  youth  in  that  countrie”  and  many 
“temptations,”  were  entering  upon  “extravagant  and 


MOTIVE  FOR  EMIGRATING 


71 


dangerous  courses  getting  ye  raines  off  their  neks  and 
departing  from  their  parents  ***  tending  to  dissolute- 
nes  and  danger  of  their  soules.” 

Lastly.  “A  great  hope  and  inward  zeal  they  had  of 
laying  some  good  foundation,”  **  “for  ye  propagating 
and  advancing  ye  gospel  of  ye  Kingdom  of  Christ  in 
those  remote  parts  of  ye  world.” 

The  above  are  the  reasons  for  the  emigration  of  the 
Leyden  Separatists  to  America  given  by  William  Bradford, 
who  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  Scrooby  Separatists  in 
all  their  wanderings  from  England  until  they  landed  at 
Plymouth.  He  then  became  Governor  of  Plymouth, 
which  position  he  occupied,  with  the  exception  of  five 
years,  until  1649.  All  of  the  reasons  given  by  him  for 
emigrating  are  solely  econmic,  save  the  last  one,  in  which 
he  says  they  had  a  hope  that  they  might  do  something 
for  “propogating  and  advancing”  the  gospel  of  Christ.  As 
we  shall  subsequently  see  they  made  no  effort,  nor  did 
they  accomplish  anything  in  the  propagation  or  advance¬ 
ment  of  the  cause  of  religion  in  the  New  World.  He  does 
not  claim  that  they  sought  a  home  in  the  New  World  in 
order  that  they  might  have  “religious  freedom.”  There 
is  not  one  word  in  all  the  reasons  given  by  Bradford 
charging  that  they  suffered  persecution,  or  did  not  have 
entire  religious  freedom,  liberty  of  conscience,  and  inde¬ 
pendence  in  Church  government  in  Holland;  on  the  con¬ 
trary,  they  enjoyed  all  these  privileges  to  the  fullest  ex¬ 
tent. 

The  “Prudent  Governors”  and  leading  spirits  who 
originated  the  plan  of  planting  a  Colony  of  Separatists 


72 


THE  PILGRIMS 


in  America  were  John  Robinson,  his  brother-in-law,  John 
Carver,  William  Brewster,  William  Bradford  and  Edward 
Winslow.  They  failed  in  their  efforts  to  induce  the 
Leyden  congregation  to  emigrate.  Only  a  very  small 
number  of  individual  members,  as  we  have  shown  above, 
could  be  prevailed  upon  to  leave  Leyden,  It  is  known, 
for  a  certainty,  that  only  a  few  of  those  from  London  were 
Separatists.  We  do  know  that  many  were  not,  and  that 
among  these  “Pilgrim  Fathers”  were  some  “undesirables.” 
Pastor  Robinson  declined  to  go  when  he  discovered  that 
the  Leyden  congregation  refused  to  emigrate. 

What  then  was  the  motive  of  Brewster,  Carver  and 
Bradford  for  planting  this  Colony  in  the  New  World? 
We  can  understand  Brewster’s  purpose;  he  could  neither 
live  in  Holland  nor  in  England  for  fear  of  prosecution 
because  of  his  seditious  utterances  and  publications;  he 
desired  an  asylum  across  the  sea  where  he  would  be  free 
from  prosecution.  Carver  had  been  a  man  of  means  and 
affairs;  he  had  never  suffered  religious  persecution,  as  he 
had  become  a  member  of  the  Separatist  congregation  in 
Leyden.  Bradford  was  young  and  ambitious  for  leader¬ 
ship  as  subsequent  events  proved. 

Men  of  prominence,  many  of  them  of  the  nobility  in 
England  and  Holland,  had  been  organizing  and  planting 
Colonies  in  the  New  World, — going  over  themselves  as 
Rulers  and  Governors.  The  position  as  Rulers,  as  well  as 
the  opportunity  for  gain,  appealed  to  them.  The  same 
ambitious  motives,  mainly  influenced  Carver,  Bradford, 
Brewster  and  Winslow.  In  the  face  of  obstacles,  dis¬ 
couragement,  and  final  refusal  of  nearly  the  entire  Leyden 


MOTIVE  FOR  EMIGRATING 


73 


congregation  to  emigrate,  these  men  for  nearly  three 
years  persistently  continued  their  efforts  to  organize  and 
establish  a  Colony  in  America. 

A  close  study  of  Bradford’s  “History  of  Plimoth 
Plantation”  shows  that  these  master  minds  of  the  Separ¬ 
atists  congregation  in  Leyden  had  deeper  plans  than  to 
provide  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of  their  people.  Their 
purpose  was  to  go  to  some  place  under  the  protection  of 
the  general  government  of  England,  yet  remote  from  any 
local  authority,  and  there  organize  a  government  of  which 
they  would  be  both  civil  and  spiritual  Rulers.  Bradford 
says,  as  to  their  purpose,  that  “the  place  they  had  thoughts 
on  was  some  of  those  vast  tracts  and  unpeopled  countries 
of  America  **  being  devoid  of  all  civil  inhabitants.” 
They  found,  however,  that  in  order  to  plant  a  Colony 
in  America,  they  would  have  to  obtain  a  patent,  either 
from  the  London  or  Plymouth  Companies.  The  Plymouth 
Company  had  not  succeeded  in  establishing  any  Colony 
within  its  territory,  New  England,  and,  finally  sur¬ 
rendered  its  grant.  The  London  or  Virginia  Company 
was  the  only  source  from  which  they  could  obtain  a  patent. 
They,  therefore,  obtained  their  patent  from  the  London 
Company  to  settle  in  Virginia.  They  did  not  intend  to 
live  “among  ye  English  which  were  there  planted,  or  so 
near  them  as  to  be  under  their  local  government,”  but 
“to  live  as  a  distincte  body  by  themselves  under  ye  general 
government  of  Virginia.” 

Their  patent  has  been  lost,  but  it  is  known  that  it  was 
granted  in  1619,  and  was  for  land  in  the  northern  part  of 
the  Virginia  grant  on  the  Hudson  river,  and  near  the  Dutch 


74 


THE  PILGRIMS 


settlement  on  Manhattan  Island.  This  was  as  far  re¬ 
moved,  as  possible,  from  the  settlements  made  in  Virginia 
territory  on  the  James  River  and  Chesapeake  Bay;  they 
would  there  be  under  the  general  government,  but  too  far 
away  to  be  molested,  either  in  their  ecclesiastical  or  civil 
government. 

After  the  patent  had  been  granted,  the  contract  made 
with  the  Adventurers,  and  those  going  had  sold  their 
goods  and  estates,  “put  their  money  into  one  common 
stock,”  and  were  ready  to  sail  from  Southampton,  they 
heard  from  Mr.  Weston  and  others  about  New  England, 
“unto  which  Mr.  Weston,  and  ye  cheefe  of  them,  begane 
to  incline  it  was  best  for  them  to  goe,”  **  as  there  was 
“hope  of  present  profite  to  be  made  by  ye  fishing  that  was 
found  in  that  countrie.”  They,  however,  had  no  patent  to 
land  in  New  England  territory;  furthermore  there  were 
those  “would  adventure  nothing  except  they  went  to 
Virginia.”  There  were  several  from  England,  namely, — 
Isaac  Allerton,  Stephen  Hopkins,  Christopher  Martin  and 
others,  who  had  already  been  in  Virginia  and  owned 
property  there.  When  the  Mayflower  sailed,  the  emi- 
grants  understood  “that  they  were  bound  for  Virginia,” 
whatever  may  have  been  the  secret  intentions  of  the  lead¬ 
ers,  Carver,  Bradford  and  Brewster. 

These  men,  Carver,  Bradford,  Brewster  and  some  other 
leaders  made  all  their  plans  before  leaving  Holland  to 
set  up  a  civil  government  of  their  own  in  America.  This 
is  clearly  shown  by  a  letter  written  by  Pastor  Robinson 
just  before  the  Speedwell  sailed  from  Delft  Haven.  This 
was  a  letter  of  good  advice  and  exhortation  to  those 


MOTIVE  FOR  EMIGRATING 


75 


members  of  his  congregation  who  were  emigrating  con¬ 
cerning  both  their  spiritual  and  temporal  welfare.  He 
knew  that  most  of  the  emigrants  were  strangers  to  each 
other  and  to  his  Church,  and  he  exhorted  care  in  dealing 
with  them.  Among  other  things,  referring  to  the  civil 
government  which  the  leaders  had  planned  to  establish, 
he  said  “your  intended  course  of  civil  communitie  will 
minister  continual  occasion  of  offense.” 

“Lastly,  whereas  you  are  become  a  body  politik, 
using  amongst  yourselves  civil  government,  and  are  not 
furnished  with  any  persons  of  spetial  eminence  above  ye 
rest,  to  be  chosen  by  you  into  office  of  government,” 
**  that  you  must  yield  obedience  to  them,  “because  you 
are  at  least  for  ye  present  to  have  only  them  for  your 
ordinaire  governors,  which  yourselves  shall  make  choyse 
of  for  that  work.”  Mr.  Robinson  wrote  this  letter  with 
full  knowledge  of  a  secret  instrument  or  “compact,” 
hereinafter  set  out,  prepared  before  leaving  Holland, 
providing  for  this  civil  government,  which  was  presented 
to  the  Mayflower  passengers  for  signature  and  signed  by 
most  of  them  in  the  cabin  of  the  ship  before  landing  at 
Cape  Cod.  The  conclusion  is  irresistible,  that  these  leaders 
were  not  induced  to  seek  a  home  in  America,  in  order  that 
these  Separatists  might  find  “religious  freedom,”  but 
that  they  might  plant  a  Colony  over  which  they  should 
be  leaders  and  governors. 


Chapter  XII 

THE  COMPACT 

ON  September  6,  1620,  the  Mayflower,  with  those 
who  were  still  willing  to  emigrate,  sailed,  ostensibly, 
for  some  point  on  the  Hudson  River  within  Virginia 
territory,  but,  in  fact,  sailed  directly  for  Cape  Cod. 
Bradford  says  that  on  November  9th,  1620,  “after  long 
beating  at  sea  they  fell  in  with  that  land  called  Cape  Cod , 
the  which  being  made  and  certainly  known  to  be  it, 
they  were  not  a  little  joyfull .”  Cape  Cod  was  known  to 
Carver  and  the  other  leaders  through  Captain  John  Smith, 
who  was  there  in  1614,  and  had  made  a  survey  and  map 
of  the  coast,  calling  the  country  “New  England.” 

Writers  have,  generally,  accepted  as  a  fact  that  the 
the  Mayflower  was  driven  out  of  her  course  by  storms, 
and  therefore,  the  land  first  sighted  was  Cape  Cod.  This 
is  a  mistake,  for  Bradford  nowhere  claims  that  the  ship 
was  driven  from  Virginia  to  Cape  Cod  by  storms ;  on  the 
contrary,  they  were  evidently  on  the  lookout  for  Cape 
Cod,  and  sighting  and  recognizing  it  “they  were  not  a 
little  joyfull.”  Some  of  the  sailors  had  been  on  this  coast 
with  Captain  John  Smith.  It  was,  in  fact,  the  secret 
destination  of  the  leaders.  Cape  Cod  was  not,  however, 
near  the  Hudson  River  in  Virginia  territory,  the  place 
where  the  passengers  understood  they  were  to  settle. 


77 


78 


THE  PILGRIMS 


They  did  not  land  at  Cape  Cod  at  this  time.  Bradford 
says  “After  some  deliberation  had  amongst  themselves 
and  with  ye  master  of  ye  ship,  they  tacked  about  and 
resolved  to  stand  for  ye  southward,  **  to  find  some  place 
about  Hudson  river  for  their  habitation.”  He  further 
says,  that  after  sailing  “about  halfe  ye  day  they  fell 
amongst  dangerous  sholds  and  roring  breakers,  **  and  ye 
wind  shrinking  upon  them  with  all,”  that  is,  they  were 
becalmed,  “they  resolved  to  bear  up  againe  for  the  Cape,” 
which  they  did,  arriving  there  “before  night  overtook 
them.”  Had  they  in  good  faith  desired  to  reach  a  point 
on  the  Hudson  River  north  of  Manhattan  Island,  the 
master  of  the  ship,  a  skilled  navigator,  would  not  have 
skirted  the  shore  amidst  shoals  and  breakers.  He  would 
have  sailed  out  into  the  safe  waters  of  the  ocean.  With 
their  little  vessel,  they  were  scarcely  out  of  sight  of  Cape 
Cod,  before  they  tacked  about  and  returned  there. 
“The  next  morning  they  got  into  ye  Cape  Harbor  wher 
they  ridd  in  saftie.” 

The  suggestion  has  been  made  by  writers,  that  the 
Mayflower  turned  about  and  sailed  back  to  Cape  Cod 
because  the  Captain  had  been  bribed  by  the  Dutch  not 
to  land  the  Colonists  near  the  Dutch  settlement  on  Man¬ 
hattan  Island.  There  is  no  evidence  whatever  to  support 
this  suggestion.  The  Captain  of  the  Mayflower  sailed 
from  London,  and  not  from  Holland,  consequently,  he 
was  not  in  touch  with  the  Dutch  authorities.  The  most 
convincing  proof  against  this  suggestion,  is  the  conduct 
of  Carver,  Brewster,  Bradford  and  Winslow.  Neither 
Bradford,  nor  Winslow,  who,  also,  wrote  a  history  of  the 


THE  COMPACT 


79 


voyage  and  settlement  in  New  England,  wrote  of  any 
objection  by  any  of  the  leaders,  or  show  any  concern 
themselves  over  the  return  of  the  ship  to  Cape  Cod.  On 
the  contrary,  there  is  evidence  that  Carver  and  the  other 
leaders  were  responsible  for  this  return  to  Cape  Cod. 
Bradford  says,  “as  they  conceived  themselves  in  great 
danger,  **  they  resolved  to  bear  up  againe  for  the  Cape.” 
It  was  no  less  dangerous  to  sail  away  from  the  shore 
and  the  breakers,  and  on  to  the  Hudson  River  than  back 
to  Cape  Cod. 

There  were  several  reasons  for  this  change  in  their 
plans.  The  representation  of  Mr.  Weston  before  they 
sailed,  that  the  “hope  of  present  profit  to  be  made  by 
ye  fishing  that  was  found  in  that  countrie,”  i.  e.  New 
England,  was  one  of  the  inducements  that  caused  them  to 
return  to  Cape  Cod.  There  were,  however,  other  reasons 
more  weighty;  they  thought  that  if  they  settled  in  New 
England,  they  could  organize  a  civil  government  free 
from  the  control  of  the  general  territorial  government  of 
Virginia,  and  could  establish  and  maintain  their  Inde¬ 
pendent  Church  without  fear  of  the  authorities  of  the 
Established  Church. 

After  arriving  in  the  harbor  at  Cape  Cod,  the  “cheefe” 
men  began  to  talk  of  landing  to  “look  out  a  place  of  habita¬ 
tion.”  These  “Cheefe”  men  had  decided  to  establish  the 
Colony  in  New  England,  without  any  patent  or  legal 
right  to  do  so.  When  this  became  known  there  were 
‘‘discontented  and  mutinous  speeches”  from  the  strangers 
‘‘amongst  them,” — that  is  from  those  who  came  from 
England.  They  had  not  emigrated  to  find  a  home  on  the 


80 


THE  PILGRIMS 


cold,  bleak,  barren,  rock  bound  coast  of  New  England; 
they  had  been  induced  to  emigrate  with  the  understanding 
that  they  were  to  settle  in  Virginia  under  a  patent  from 
The  London  Company,  and  not  in  New  England  ‘‘with 
which  ye  Virginia  Company  had  nothing  to  doe;”  they 
said  that,  if  they  landed  here  “they  would  use  their  own 
libertie;  for  none  had  power  to  command  them”  in  this 
territory  as  they  had  no  patent  for  New  England. 

Carver  and  his  associates  at  this  time  and  “before  they 
came  ashore”  produced  an  instrument  or  “compact,” 
providing  for  a  “civill  body  politick,”  which  they  de¬ 
manded  that  all  emigrants  should  sign.  This  Compact, 
providing  for  a  “body  politick”  referred  to  by  Mr.  Robin¬ 
son  in  his  letter,  was  signed  in  the  cabin  of  the  Mayflower 
by  forty-one  of  the  adult  emigrants. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  Compact: — 

“In  ye  name  of  God,  Amen,  we  whose  names  are 
underwritten,  the  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  soveraigne 
Lord,  King  James,  by  ye  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Brit- 
aine,  France  and  Ireland,  King,  defender  of  ye  faith, 
etc.  Having  undertaken,  for  ye  glory  of  God,  and 
advancemente  of  ye  Christian  faith,  and  honour  of 
our  King  and  countrie,  a  voyage  to  plant  ye  first  Colonie 
in  ye  northern  parts  of  Virginia ,  do  by  these  presents 
solemnly  and  mutually  in  ye  presence  of  God,  and  one 
of  another,  covenant  and  combine  ourselves  together 
in  a  civil  body  politick ,  for  our  better  ordering  and  pre¬ 
servation  and  furtherance  of  ye  ends  aforesaid,  And 
by  virtue  hereof  to  inacte,  constitute,  and  frame  such 
just  and  equal  laws,  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions, 


THE  COMPACT 


81 


and  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought 
most  meete  and  convenient — for  ye  general  good  of  ye 
Colonie,  unto  which  we  promise  all  due  submission  and 
obedience.  In  witness  thereof  we  have  hereunder 
subscribed  our  names  at  Cape  Cod  ye  11  of  November 
in  ye  raigne  of  our  Soveraigne  Lord,  King  James  of 
England,  France  and  Ireland  eighteenth,  and  of  Scot¬ 
land  ye  fifty-fourth  An;  Dom;  1620.” 

There  are  many  expressions  and  other  evidences  con¬ 
tained  in  this  compact  which  indicate  that  it  was  written 
before  the  Speedwell  sailed  from  Delft  Haven,  except  the 
testimonium  clause.  In  Robinson’s  letter  quoted  above, 
he  speaks  of  their  becoming  a  “body  politick,”  “using 
amongst  yourselves  civil  governmente”  which  would  be 
established  by  them,  and  exhorting  all  to  obey  those  “to 
be  chosen  by  you  into  civil  government.”  The  Speedwell 
sailed  from  Holland,  with  a  patent  from  the  Virginia 
Company  to  establish  a  Colony  in  Virginia  territory. 
The  compact,  in  pursuance  of  that  patent,  refers  to  “a 
voyage  to  plant  ye  first  colonie  in  ye  northern  part  of 
Virginia.”  The  testimonium  clause,  stating  date  and  place 
of  signing,  was  added,  and  the  pact  signed  on  board  the 
Mayflower  on  November  1 1 ,  1620,  at  Cape  Cod.  This  was 
after  the  “cheefe”  men  had  abandoned  the  voyage  to 
Virginia,  turned  back  to  Cape  Cod,  and  decided  to  estab¬ 
lish  their  Colony  in  New  England.  The  body  of  this 
instrument  is  conclusive,  that  it  wras  drawn  up  before 
leaving  Holland,  but  that  the  testimonium  clause  was 
added  at  Cape  Cod.  In  view  of  the  “discontented  and 
mutinous  speeches”  of  *****  “some  of  the  strangers,” 


82 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Carver  and  his  associates  deemed  it  safer  to  have  this 
pact,  providing  for  a  civil  government,  signed  before 
landing.  Bradford  does  not  state  who  signed  this  compact. 
Mr.  George  Morton  in  his  “Memorial”  says,  that  forty-one 
male  persons  signed  it,  including  some  servants.  It  was 
not  signed  by  the  women  or  children.  Bradford  says  that 
John  Carver  was  there  “ chosen ”  or  ‘ Gather  confirmed' '  as 
their  Governor  for  that  year.”  This  confirmation  of 
John  Carver,  the  brother-in-law  of  Pastor  Robinson,  as 
governor  was  in  pursuance  of  plans  made  by  Robinson, 
Carver  and  other  “cheefe”  men  for  organizing  a  civil 
government  in  the  Colony,  before  sailing  from  Holland. 

Later  on,  and  after  they  had  located  their  Colony  at 
Plymouth,  “as  time  would  admitte  they  mette  and  con¬ 
sulted  of  laws,  and  orders  both  for  their  civil  and  military 
government,”  but  nothing  was  said  concerning  the  Church. 

This  compact  has  been  regarded  as  original,  in  that  it 
provided  for  a  civil  government  by  men  of  their  own 
choosing.  The  idea  was  most  probably  obtained  from  the 
Guilds  of  Holland  with  which  Robinson  and  the  other 
leaders  were  familiar.  These  Guilds  were  voluntary 
associations  of  men  engaged  in  the  same  craft,  trade  or 
business;  All  members  elected  their  officers,  and  made 
laws  governing  their  particular  craft,  trade  or  business; 
each  Guild  generally  “inhabitated  a  separate  quarter  of 
the  town;”  the  members  were  trained  in  the  use  of  arms, 
and  Captains  were  placed  in  command ;  they  were  required 
to  be  ready,  at  all  times,  to  respond  to  a  call  to  service; 
the  Ruler  of  these  Guilds,  called  a  “deacon,”  was  prac¬ 
tically  the  sole  executive,  regulating  wages,  prices  and  the 


THE  COMPACT 


83 


affairs  of  his  Guild.  Following  the  plan  of  the  Guild, 
John  Carver  was  elected  Governor,  and  served  for  a  short 
period, — until  his  death  in  March  1621.  William  Brad¬ 
ford  was  then  elected  as  his  successor,  but  as  he  was  sick 
at  that  time,  Isaac  Allerton  was  elected  as  his  assistant, 
and  Captain  Miles  Standish  was  elected  military  com¬ 
mander. 

The  Governor  was,  practically,  the  Ruler  of  Plymouth 
Colony;  nor  was  there  ever,  in  fact,  universal  suffrage  in 
the  Colony.  Bancroft  says,  that  “Here  was  the  birth  of 
popular  constitutional  liberty,”  in  America.  Neither 
civil  nor  religious  liberty,  however,  was  founded  under 
this  compact.  Nor  was  it  the  inspiration,  plan  or  basis 
for  our  democracy  as  has  been  claimed. 

This  compact  was  not  known  to  Thomas  Jefferson  or 
to  any  of  our  forefathers  of  revolutionary  days,  who  had 
any  part  in  writing  the  Declaration  of  Independence  or 
our  constitution.  It  was  known,  from  references  made  by 
some  Colonial  writers  in  New  England,  that  Bradford 
had  written  a  history  of  Plymouth  Colony,  in  which  a 
copy  of  this  compact  appears,  but  the  manuscript  was 
lost  before  our  Revolution.  It  was  not  discovered  until 
about  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  it  was 
found  in  the  library  of  the  Bishop  of  London  at  Fulham, 
England.  The  manuscript  was  delivered  to  Ambassador 
Bayard  in  1897,  brought  to  this  country,  and  afterwards 
published  for  the  first  time.  It  was  unknown  and  entirely 
without  influence  in  the  framing  or  adoption  of  our 
constitution  or  in  the  organization  of  our  representative 
form  of  government. 


Chapter  XIII 

PLYMOUTH 

ON  November  11,  1620,  after  the  signing  of  the  com¬ 
pact,  a  landing  was  made  on  the  site  of  Province- 
town,  on  Cape  Cod,  by  “a  few  of  them.”  On  November 
15,  Captain  Standish  and  sixteen  “well  armed”  men  “set 
out  to  discover  those  nearest  places”  for  a  permanent 
“habitation.”  This  expedition  was  without  adventure 
or  success;  so  they  returned  to  the  ship.  The  month  of 
November  was  spent  in  exploring  the  coast  and  country 
near  in  their  shallop,  without,  however,  finding  a  suitable 
place  to  locate  their  Colony. 

On  December  6,  they  “sente  out  their  shallop  againe 
with  ten  of  their  principall  men  ***  upon  further  discovery, 
intending  to  circulate  that  deepe  bay  of  Cape  Codd.” 
On  this  expedition,  they  “divided  their  company — some 
to  coast  along  ye  shore  in  ye  boate,  and  the  rest  marched 
through  ye  woods  to  see  ye  land,  if  any  fit  place  might  be 
for  their  dwelling.”  For  several  days  they  coasted  and 
explored  the  country;  but  “discovered  no  place  likely 
for  harbor.”  They  suffered  much  from  the  extreme  cold 
and  storms  during  these  days.  They  had  seen  a  few 
Indians  on  previous  expeditions;  they  now  had  “ye  first 
encounter  with  them.”  Many  arrows  were  shot  at  them 
to  which  they  responded  with  their  muskets.  None 
were  “either  hurte  or  hitt”  by  the  arrows. 


85 


86 


THE  PILGRIMS 


When  the  exploring  party  was  near  what  is  now  Ply¬ 
mouth  their  “Pillot — Mr.  Coffin — who  had  bine  in  ye 
countrie  before,”  told  them  of  a  good  harbor  “which  he 
had  been  in.”  Before  they  reached  this  harbor,  a  severe 
storm  came  up,  breaking  their  rudder;  their  mast  was, 
also,  broken  and  their  “saill  fell  overbord;”  so  that  they 
were  in  danger  of  being  “cast  away.”  They,  finally, 
escaped  from  this  danger,  and  in  “ye  end  they  gott 
under  ye  lee  of  a  small  island  on  which  they  landed,” 
and  ***  “remained  there  all  that  night  in  saftie;”  this  was 
an  island  in  Plymouth  harbor. 

After  Captain  John  Smith  made  the  survey  of  the  coast 
in  1614,  he  returned  to  England,  wrote  a  history  of  his 
expedition,  and  prepared  a  map  of  the  coast  and  country, 
which  was  published  in  1616.  He  presented  this  “dis- 
coverie  with  the  map”  to  Prince  Charles,  who,  at  Cap¬ 
tain  Smith’s  request,  gave  names  to  the  various  places  on 
the  coast.  To  that  inlet  or  harbor  with  its  little  “lie.’’ 
the  Prince  gave  the  name  “Plimoth.”  This  is  the  name 
that  appears  on  the  ancient  map  of  Captain  John  Smith, 
and  is  the  origin  of  the  name  of  the  Colony. 

The  next  day,  after  Captain  Standish  and  his  party 
landed  on  this  island,  “was  a  faire  sunshiny  day,”  and 
being  the  “last  day  of  ye  week,”  they  “prepared  ther  to 
keep  ye  Sabath.”  On  Monday,  they  sounded  the  harbor, 
and  found  it  fit  for  shipping.  They  went  to  the  main 
land,  and  found  corn  fields  and  little  running  brooks, — “a 
place  fitt  for  situation.”  They  then  returned  to  the  ship, 
and  reported,  “this  news  *****  which  did  much  comfort 
ve  people.” 


PLYMOUTH 


87 


On  December  15,  the  Mayflower  weighed  anchor  to 
“goe  to  ye  place  they  had  discovered.”  On  December 
16,  the  “winde”  being  “faire,  **  they  arrived  safe  in  this 
harbor.”  On  ye  twenty-fifth  day,  they  “begane  to  erect 
ye  first  house  for  comone  use  to  receive  them  and  their 
goods.”  This  common  house,  “was  built  on  a  great  hill;” 
it  was  about  twenty  feet  square  with  a  flat  roof;  they 
moved  their  goods  into  it,  and  put  it  as  “full  of  beds  as 
they  could  lie;”  the  room  was,  also,  used  by  them  as  a 
general  store,  fort  and  meeting  house  on  Sunday.  They  held 
the  first  service  in  this  common  house  on  March  21,  1621 

Winslow  says  that  “Tuesday,  the  ninth  of  January  was 
a  reasonable  fair  day,”  and  they  proceeded  to  the  erection 
of  their  houses. 

The  people  were  divided  into  nineteen  groups  or  families  ( 
so  that  fewer  houses  would  be  needed  at  first;  they  built 
seven  cabins,  in  which  these  nineteen  families  were  housed. 

In  Plymouth  harbor  there  is  a  large  stone  on  the  shore 
at  the  water’s  edge,  called  today  “Plymouth  Rock.” 
It  is  said  that  the  Pilgrims  first  landed  on  this  rock.  The 
rock  is  not  mentioned  by  Bradford  or  by  any  other  writer 
of  that  period ;  the  story  of  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  on 
this  rock  was  not  known  until  a  century  and  a  third  later ; 
it  is  based  on  a  purported  statement  made  in  1741,  by 
Thomas  Faunce,  an  old  man  ninety-four  years  of  age;  he 
said  that  when  he  was  a  boy  his  father  told  him  “that  the 
Mayflower  passengers  landed  on  this  boulder.”  As 
Faunce’s  father  was  not  a  passenger  on  the  Mayflower  in 
1620,  but  came  later,  the  story  of  his  aged  son  is  not 
very  reliable. 


88 


THE  PILGRIMS 


In  1774,  the  rock  was  split,  and  a  part  of  it  carried  on 
shore;  but,  later,  as  “ye  rock”  became  a  shrine,  the  split 
part  was  carried  back  and  placed  with  the  original  rock, 
and  a  wooden  fence  was  built  around  it;  afterwards,  as 
the  revenue  feature  developed,  the  people  of  Plymouth 
built  an  iron  fence  around  it,  and  later,  a  pagoda  or  pavilion 
was  built  over  it. 

The  tercentenary  of  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  was 
celebrated  at  Plymouth  in  1921.  There  will  be  erected 
on  this  spot  a  splendid  monument,  to  mark  the  first  land¬ 
ing  of  the  Pilgrims. 

There  is  a  vein  of  idealism  running  through  the  American 
character,  that  saves  us  from  the  entirely  cold,  cal¬ 
culating  selfishness  of  people  devoted  to  the  practical 
development  of  a  new  country. 

We  have  no  Westminster  Abbey,  or  cathedrals  carved 
in  stone  and  grown  gray  with  the  centuries,  monuments 
to  the  religious  zeal  of  our  forefathers,  housing  memories 
of  achievements  of  our  heroes  in  Church,  literature,  art, 
science,  statesmanship  and  war.  We  are  still  young  in 
our  national  and  racial  life,  but  we  are,  nevertheless,  hero 
worshippers  and  builders  of  shrines. 

Plymouth  Rock  has  been  glorified  by  poet,  painter  and 
the  later  historians. 

Henry  Van  Dyke  says,  “The  New  Englanders,  who 
have  written  most  of  the  American  histories,  have  been 
in  the  way  of  claiming  the  lion’s  share  of  the  religious 
influence  for  the  Puritans;”  and,  we  may  add,  that  they 
also,  claim  the  credit  for  having  founded  our  Nation. 

Longfellow  sings, 


PLYMOUTH 


89 


“Down  to  the  Plymouth  Rock,  that  had  been 
to  their  feet  as  a  doorstep 
Into  the  world  unknown — the  cornerstone  of  a 
nation.” 

This  rock  has  been  invested  with  both  a  religious  and 
political  significance  that  has  made  it  a  shrine.  It  has 
become  the  mecca  of  idealists,  who  have  chipped  off 
small  pieces  of  stone,  and  preserved  them  as  sacred 
mementoes  of  the  spot  first  touched  by  Pilgrim  feet; 
tourists  have  stood  about  it,  and,  in  the  true  spirit  of  hero 
worship,  have  lavished  upon  it  all  honor,  reverence  and 
veneration. 

We  stand  with  uncovered  head  beside  the  graves  of  those 
courageous  men  and  brave,  noble  women,  who  sailed 
across  the  storm  tossed  ocean  to  make  homes  in  the  wilder¬ 
ness  of  the  New  World,  but  found  only  hunger,  cold  and 
death  on  the  bleak,  wintry  shores  of  the  New  England 
coast.  We  honor  those  heroic  men  and  women,  who 
made  the  supreme  sacrifice  and  laid  down  their  lives  in  an 
effort  to  found  a  nation,  but  without  sucess.  To  Plymouth 
is  due  the  honor  of  being  the  site  of  the  first  permanent 
settlement  in  New  England. 

The  cornerstone  of  our  nation,  however,  was  not  laid 
at  Plymouth  in  1620,  but  at  Jamestown  in  1607. 


Chapter  XIV 

THE  NEW  WORLD 

APTAIN  JOHN  SMITH,  on  his  return  from  New 


England,  wrote  his  “General  History  of  New  Eng¬ 
land,”  which  was  published  about  1616.  In  this  history, 
he  presents  a  flattering  picture  of  the  fertility,  climate, 
industrial,  and  trading  possibilities  of  New  England.  He 
says,  he  found  there,  “gardens,  corn  fields  and  well  tim¬ 
bered  land,”  a  “greatness  of  fish”  and  a  “moderate  temper 
of  the  air;”  that  the  “maine  staple  is  fish.”  He  then  gives 
a  glowing  picture  of  the  riches  and  greatness  of  Holland, 
all  derived  from  the  trade  in  fish.  “No  State,”  he  says, 
“is  so  mighty,  strong  and  rich  as  Holland,  save  Venice, 
with  so  many  faire  cities  and  goodly  towns,  **  with  its 
shipping,  merchandise,  gold,  silver,  pearles,  diamonds, 
pretious  stones,  silkes,  velvets  and  cloth  of  gold,” — all 
the  result  of  “this  contemptible  trade  of  fish;”  that  here 
in  New  England,  “by  industry”  one  may  “quickly  grow 
rich  spending  but  halfe  that  time  well;”  that  this  part  in 
latitude  41,  42  and  43,  is  as  “temperate  and  as  fruitful 
as  any  other  parallel  in  the  world;”  that  the  ground  is  so 
fertile  it  will  grow  “graine,  fruits  or  seed;”  that  there  are 
fur  bearing  animals,  namely,  muskrat,  beaver,  otters, 
martins,  and  black  foxes;  that  the  “country  of  Massa¬ 
chusetts  **  is  the  paradice  of  all  those  parts.”  This  was 


91 


92 


THE  PILGRIMS 


a  glowing  and  alluring  picture,  but  the  true  conditions  were 
a  sore  and  bitter  disappointment  to  the  PilgrimFathers. 

Smith  further  advises  “each  parish  or  village,”  to  send 
“their  fatherless  children  of  thirteene  or  fourteene  yeeres 
of  age,  or  young  married  people  and  servants;”  also,  that 
a  “fortress”  will  be  necessary,  and  “means  to  defend 
them.  ’  ’  Smith’s  history  of  New  England,  with  the  account 
of  its  wonderful  resources  and  climate,  was  known,  general¬ 
ly,  in  England  and  Holland  before  the  sailing  of  the  May¬ 
flower,  and  without  doubt  was  known  to  Robinson.  It 
was  more  than  a  coincidence  that  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  fol¬ 
lowed  these  suggestions  as  to  those  who  should  emigrate. 
Among  those  who  sailed  were  young  married  people, 
many  servants,  and  a  number  of  boys  thirteen  or  fourteen 
years  of  age,  either  fatherless,  or,  at  least,  without  fathers 
among  the  emigrants. 

This  extravagant  account  of  Smith,  of  the  climate, 
condition  and  resources  of  the  country,  its  flattering 
prospects  and  opportunities  for  riches,  both  on  land  and 
on  sea,  evidently  caused  the  change  in  the  plans  of  Carver 
and  the  leaders  to  abandon  Virginia,  and  to  establish 
their  Colony  in  New  England.  They  found,  however,  that 
Smith’s  description  of  the  country  was  untrue  in  every 
particular;  they  arrived  at  Cape  Cod  in  the  middle  of  a 
cold,  bleak,  New  England  winter;  the  ground  was  “all 
covered  with  snow  and  hard  frozen;”  in  the  bitter  storms, 
sleet  and  snow  of  December,  parties  of  men  explored  the 
country  seeking  a  “fit  place  for  their  dwelling;”  they  lived 
on  ship  board  until  their  houses  were  ready  for  occupancy, 
the  latter  part  of  January  1621. 


THE  NEW  WORLD 


93 


The  long  voyage  and  life  on  board  the  Mayflower 
after  arriving  in  New  England,  had  caused  them  to  be 
afflicted  with  “scurvie”  and  other  “diseases;”  the  intense 
cold,  privation,  lack  of  proper  food  and  disease  brought 
sickness  and  death  to  many;  the  sufferings  of  the  women 
and  children  were  “pitiful  to  behold.”  There  were  but 
“6  or  7  sound  persons”  left  to  care  for  the  sick  and  dying; 
sometimes  “they  died  2  or  three  a  day;”  thirteen  women, 
out  of  the  nineteen  who  came,  many  children,  and  some 
of  the  men  died  “in  this  general  sickness”  during  this 
first  winter;  Rose  Standish,  the  wife  of  Captain  Miles 
Standish,  died  at  this  time,  and  Dorothy  Bradford,  wife 
of  William  Bradford,  falling  over  board,  was  drowned 
while  they  were  at  Cape  Cod;  during  this  first  winter, 
about  fifty,  of  the  one  hundred  passengers  of  the  May¬ 
flower,  died. 

Historians  have  lauded  the  Mayflower  emigrants  as 
home-builders ;  that  they  came  to  settle  and  make  homes 
in  the  New  World,  and  so  brought  their  wives  and  children 
with  them.  At  the  end  of  the  first  winter  there  were  only 
five  women  home-builders,  still  living  in  Plymouth 
Colony;  one  of  these — Rose  Minter — soon  returned  to 
England.  Nor  did  the  wives  of  the  married  men,  who 
left  their  families  at  home,  or  any  other  women  come  to 
Plymouth  for  three  years. 

It  was  not  only  unwise,  it  was  a  cruel  thing,  to  subject 
these  wives  and  children  of  tender  years,  to  the  priva¬ 
tions,  dangers,  exposure  and  cold  of  this  bleak,  New 
England  climate. 

Historians  have  condemned  the  first  Jamestown  Colon- 


94 


THE  PILGRIMS 


ists,  because  they  did  not  bring  their  wives  and  children 
to  Virginia;  it  was  said  of  them  that  they  were  not  home¬ 
builders,  but  mere  adventurers.  These  settlers  were 
more  humane,  and  showed  greater  wisdom  than  the 
Plymouth  settlers  in  leaving  their  families  in  England 
until  they  could  make  homes  for  them  in  Virginia.  Its 
to  their  eternal  credit  that  they  were  both  wise  and  un¬ 
selfish  enough  to  brave  these  perils  alone. 


Chapter  XV 

THE  YEARS  1621-1623— THE  FAMINE 

WITH  the  coming  of  Spring,  the  sick,  who  survived, 
recovered  their  health;  as  their  strength  returned, 
they  turned  to  the  planting  of  corn;  they  were  instructed 
how  to  fertilize  the  ground  and  plant  corn  by  a  friendly 
Indian  named  Squanto;  they  planted  about  twenty  acres 
of  com  and  some  barley.  During  the  year,  they  raised 
their  crops,  traded  with  the  Indians  for  fur,  and  engaged 
in  hunting  game  and  fishing;  when  the  fall  came  they 
fitted  up  their  houses  and  harvested  their  crops.  They 
raised  a  good  crop  of  corn  and  barley,  and,  by  hunting 
and  fishing,  laid  up  a  good  supply  of  fish,  water  fowl, 
wild  turkey  and  other  game. 

They  now  celebrated  the  first  Thanksgiving  Day  in  the 
New  World  by  a  great  feast.  To  this  feast,  they  invited 
the  Indian  Chief,  Massacoit,  and  his  tribe;  the  celebration 
lasted  three  days;  they  spent  the  time  in  feasting,  out 
door  sports,  drilling,  “dancing  and  singing  by  the  Indians.” 

About  November  11,  1621,  the  ship,  Fortune,  arrived  at 
Plymouth  bringing  thirty-five  men.  The  ship  brought 
the  Colony  no  supplies,  and  the  men  were  entirely  desti¬ 
tute;  they  had,  “not  so  much  as  a  bisket  cake  or  any  other 
victualls,  nor  any  bedding  ***  nor  pot  nor  pan,  **  nor 
over  many  cloaths.”  These  were  “mostly  young  men,  and 


95 


96 


THE  PILGRIMS 


many  of  them  wild  enough.”  They  were  from  London, 
and  were  not  Separatists.  These  “late  comers”  were 
placed  in  “several  families.”  The  Colony  now  numbered 
eighty  people,  all  men,  except  four  women  and  a  few 
children  who  came  with  the  first  settlers. 

On  taking  account  of  their  provisions,  it  was  found 
that  it  would  “not  hold  out  above  six  months  at  halfe 
allowance;”  every  body  was  then  put  on  half  allowance 
for  the  winter.  The  Colony  suffered  greatly  from  lack 
of  provisions  and  supplies  during  the  years  1622  and 
1623.  They  had  expected  to  receive  supplies  from  Eng¬ 
land,  but  none  came.  About  the  latter  part  of  May  1622, 
a  boat  came  with  seven  passengers  from  a  ship,  which 
had  been  sent  out  for  fishing  by  Mr.  Weston;  but,  as 
Bradford  says,  ‘ ‘no  vitails,  nor  any  hope  of  any.  ’ ’  He  con¬ 
cludes  in  a  sarcastic  vein,  quoting  the  Psalmist,  Psa.  1 1 8-8. 
“It  is  better  to  trust  in  the  Lord,  than  to  have  confidence 
in  man,”  especially  “in  ye  merchants.” 

This  year  they  raised  very  little  corn;  they  were  weak 
Bradford  says,  “for  want  of  food;”  they,  however,  ob¬ 
tained  a  supply  of  corn  from  the  Indians,  which  lasted 
them  until  the  spring  of  1623.  It  is  difficult  to  understand 
how  the  Colony  could  have  suffered  from  lack  of  food  in 
the  year  1622;  the  sea  and  brooks  were  full  of  fish,  and 
there  was  an  abundance  of  game  in  the  woods ;  there  were 
now  over  seventy  men  in  the  Colony  able  to  work.  There 
is  no  explanation  for  their  suffering  for  want  of  food  at  this 
time,  save  the  fact  that  the  Colonists  were  on  the  com¬ 
munity  plan,  and  they  would  not  work. 

Until  the  spring  of  1623,  they  had  been  working  on  the 


1621-1623— THE  FAMINE 


97 


community  plan.  They  had  not  raised  enough  corn,  nor 
provided  enough  food  to  feed  the  Colony;  they  were 
bordering  on  famine  all  the  time;  in  order  that  they  still 
might  not  thus  “languish  in  miserie,”  each  family  was 
now  assigned  “a  parcel  of  land  for  their  present  use." 
The  term  family  here  refers  to  the  division  of  the  Colony 
into  seven  groups,  one  in  each  cabin.  Except  for  this 
assignment  of  land,  they  still  continued  to  live  under  the 
community  plan.  Under  this  new  plan,  however,  the 
men  became  more  industrious;  they  planted  more  com 
and  were  better  contented;  even  the  women — there  were 
at  that  time  only  four  in  the  Colony — now  went  willingly 
into  the  fields,  who  before,  alleged  their  “weakness  and 
inabilities  ’ 

The  year  1623,  may  be  called  the  famine  year  of  the 
Plymouth  Colonists.  By  the  time  their  corn  was  planted, 
“all  their  vitails  were  spente;”  for  two  or  three  months 
together,  they  had  neither  bread  nor  any  kind  of  corn; 
at  night,  they  at  times  did  not  know  where  they  were 
to  get  “a  bitt  of  anything  ye  next  day.  ’  ’  They  now  divided 
their  company  into  groups  of  six  or  seven  each  for  fishing. 
Each  group  would  take  its  turn  in  fishing  in  the  one  boat 
they  possessed.  They  dug  shell  fish  at  low  water  out  of 
the  sand,  and  sometimes  they  obtained  a  deer.  Thus 
they  lived  all  summer,  When  winter  came  they  obtained 
“ground  nuts  and  fowle.” 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  of  1623,  two  ships, 
the  Anne,  with  Mr.  William  Pierce  as  Master,  and  a  Pinass 
arrived  at  Plymouth.  These  ships  brought  about  sixty 
persons  from  England  under  contract  with,  and  at  the 


98 


THE  PILGRIMS 


expense  of  the  Adventurers.  Some  were  “very  useful 
persons,”  and  some  were  wives  and  children  of  English¬ 
men  already  in  the  Colony;  some,  however,  were  so  bad 
they  were  sent  home  the  next  year. 

There  was,  also,  another  company  under  John  Oldham, 
who  came  on  “their  particular,”  that  is,  at  their  own 
charge  and  expense.  These  men  were  “to  have  lands 
assigned  to  them,  and  be  for  themselves,  yet  be  subject 
to  the  General  Government.”  These  new  comers  found 
a  distressing  condition  in  the  Colony;  “Many  were  ragged 
in  apparel,  and  some  little  beter  than  halfe  naked;”  they 
could  offer  these  new  comers  only  a  “lobster  or  a  peece 
of  fish,  without  bread  or  anything  else  but  a  cupp  of  fair 
spring  water.” 

Three  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the  Mayflower 
landed  these  emigrants  at  Plymouth.  They  had  suffered 
cold,  sickness,  famine  and  death.  The  distressing  and 
disastrous  experience  of  these  Plymouth  settlers  were  but 
a  parallel  of  the  sufferings  of  the  Jamestown  Colonists; 
each  Colony  suffered  hunger,  famine  and  sickness;  one 
half  of  each  Colony  died  during  the  first  six  months,  and 
each  was  afflicted  with  some  “undesirables.”  The  Pilgrim 
Fathers  came  without  any  minister;  the  Jamestown 
settlers  brought  with  them  the  Rev.  Robert  Hunt,  a  pious 
and  godly  man,  who  was  a  comfort  and  consolation  to 
these  settlers  in  their  sufferings  and  death.  Historians, 
however,  have  idealized  the  Plymouth  Colonists,  but  the 
Jamestown  settlers  have  suffered  only  contumely  from 
them. 


Chapter  XVI 

JOHN  PIERCE  AND  THE  NEW  CHARTER 

THE  CHARTER  granted  in  1606,  by  King  James  to 
Sir  George  Popham  and  others,  known  as  the  Ply¬ 
mouth  Company,  for  the  territory  in  which  New  England 
is  situated,  had  been  abandoned  before  the  sailing  of  the 
Mayflower. 

John  Smith’s  history,  with  its  extravagant  and  alluring 
representations  of  the  country,  induced  a  new  company 
to  apply  to  the  King  for  a  charter  to  this  New  England 
territory.  In  November  1620,  King  James  granted  a  pat¬ 
ent  to  a  new  Council  of  Plymouth  in  England  to  all  the 
territory  lying  between  the  latitudes  40  and  48.  This 
charter  recognized  the  spiritual  and  temporal  supremacy 
of  the  King. 

The  Plymouth  settlers  , without  authority  from  any  one, 
had  established  their  Colony  within  this  territory. 

The  Mayflower,  on  her  return  to  England  in  the  spring 
of  1621,  brought  the  information  that  the  Pilgrim  Fathers 
had  located  their  Colony  at  Plymouth  in  New  England, 
and  not  in  Virginia.  The  Merchant  Adventurers,  who 
had  financed  the  Company,  on  learning  that  Carver, 
Bradford  and  Brewster  had  located  the  Colony  in  New 
England  territory  on  land  to  which  they  had  no  patent 
and  right,  in  order  to  protect  themselves,  applied  to  the 


99 


100 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Council  of  the  Plymouth  Company  in  England  for  a 
patent  to  the  land  on  which  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  had 
settled;  this  was  granted  in  the  fall  of  1621,  and  a  charter 
was  issued  in  the  name  of  John  Pierce  and  his  associates. 
Pierce  was  one  of  the  adventurers;  he  was  to  hold  the 
patent  in  trust  for  the  Colony.  This  patent  was  brought 
over  to  the  Company  by  the  Fortune  in  the  late  fall  of 
1621. 

As  this  patent  was  in  his  name,  Pierce  now  devised  a 
scheme  to  obtain  another  patent  for  a  larger  territory, 
deluding  in  it  the  land  already  granted,  in  order  that  he 
might  claim  the  whole  of  it  as  his  own  property. 

In  April  1621,  Pierce,  in  pursuance  of  his  plan,  applied 
to  the  Council  of  Plymouth  for  a  new  patent,  larger  in 
extent  and  with  greater  powers,  which  was  granted  him- 
Under  the  provisions  of  this  new  patent,  he  claimed  that 
he  was  the  “Lord  and  Chief”  of  the  Plymouth  Colonists, 
and  had  the  right  to  hold  them  “as  his  tenants.”  When 
his  fraud  was  discovered,  Bradford  says,  that  he  was  com¬ 
pelled  to  assign  over  his  “grand  patente”  to  the  Company. 
In  May  1623,  his  fraudulent  patent  was  cancelled,  and 
the  Adventurers  and  Colonists  were  restored  to  their  rights 
under  the  first  patent. 

In  June  1622,  Thomas  Weston,  one  of  the  Adventurers, 
sold  his  interest  in  the  Plymouth  Colony,  and  fitted  out 
three  small  ships  to  plant  a  Colony  in  New  England 
on  his  own  account  near  the  Plymouth  Colony.  These 
ships  arrived  at  Plymouth  with  about  sixty  men;  they 
were  housed,  cared  for,  and  the  sick  were  nursed  back  to 
health  by  the  Colonists ;  they  remained  during  the  greater 


JOHN  PIERCE  AND  NEW  CHARTER  101 


part  of  the  summer  at  Plymouth.  Robert  Cushman 
wrote  to  Governor  Bradford,  that  “these  people  are  no 
men  for  us;”  they  were  found  to  be  “unruly”  and  un¬ 
desirable;  in  the  fall  they  moved  into  “ye  Massachusetts 
Bay,”  and  established  a  plantation  at  Wessagusset;  they 
were  improvident  and  soon  exhausted  their  supplies.  The 
plantation  was  a  failure,  and  after  much  suffering  and 
distress,  was  abandoned. 

In  June  1623,  Captain  Francis  West  arrived  at  Ply¬ 
mouth  with  a  commission  from  the  Council  of  Plymouth 
in  England  to  restrain  inter-lopers,  and  to  stop  fishing 
and  trading  without  a  license  from  the  Council,  and  the 
payment  of  a  “rounde  sume  of  money.”  The  Plymouth 
Colonists  refused  to  comply,  and  afterward  procured  an 
order  from  the  English  Parliament  allowing  them  to 
engage  in  fishing  free. 

About  the  middle  of  September  1623,  Captain  Robert 
Gorges  arrived  in  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts  with  passen¬ 
gers  and  families  to  establish  a  plantation;  they  selected 
Wessagusset  as  the  sight  for  their  Colony,  which  Weston 
had  occupied  and  afterwards  abandoned. 

Captain  Robert  Gorges  held  a  commission  from  the 
“Counsell  of  New  England,  in  England,  to  be  General 
Governor”  of  “ye  countrie,”  with  Captain  Francis  West 
and  Christopher  Levite  as  his  assistants.  This  commission 
also  gave  Captain  Gorges  and  his  assistants  power  to 
“doe  and  execute  what  to  them  should  seem  good  in  a  In¬ 
cases,  capitall,  criminall  and  civill.”  A  copy  of  this 
commission  was  read  to  Governor  Bradford,  and  he  was 
suffered  to  take  a  copy.  The  Colonists,  however,  ignored 
this  commission. 


102 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Captain  Gorges  and  his  emigrants,  not  finding  conditions 
as  they  had  expected,  soon  scattered,  and  he  returned 
to  England.  Some  of  his  people  returned  to  England, 
others  went  to  Virginia,  and  some  few  remained  in  New 
England. 


Chapter  XVII 

COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  THE  COLONY 

IN  1624,  there  were  about  one  hundred  and  eighty 
persons  in  Plymouth  Colony.  William  Bradford  was 
again  elected  Governor.  Prior  to  this  time  there  had 
been  but  one  assistant,  but  now  the  number  was  increased 
to  five  members.  Five  assistants  were  now  chosen,  but 
“giving  to  the  Governor  a  dubble  voyce.”  The  Governor, 
with  these  five  assistants,  constituted-  the  entire  civil 
government,  executive,  legislative  and  judicial,  of  the 
Colony. 

Mr.  Winslow  was  sent  to  England  in  1623,  for  the 
Colony,  and  on  his  return  in  May  1624,  he  brought  with 
him  three  heifers  and  a  bull,  and,  also,  some  “clothing  and 
other  necessaries.”  These  were  the  first  cattle  of  any 
kind  in  the  Colony. 

Even  though  “Raghorn,”  the  bull,  did  not  arrive  at 
Plymouth  until  some  years  after  John  Alden  had  wooed 
and  won  Priscilla  Mullins,  yet,  it  is  a  very  sweet  picture 
that  Longfellow  gives  of  John  with  his  “snow  white  bull,” 
on  which  Priscilla  rode  “like  a  queen,”  **  “through  the 
Plymouth  woods”  as 

“Onward  the  bridal  procession  now  moved  to 
their  new  habitation.” 

The  Colony  had  not  been  a  success  in  any  particular, 


103 


104 


THE  PILGRIMS 


either  in  its  numerical  growth,  financially,  or  in  its  re¬ 
ligious  life.  Ships  returning  from  New  England  reported 
to  the  Merchant  Adventurers  that  very  bad  conditions 
prevailed  in  the  Colony.  Captain  Gorges  on  his  return 
confirmed  these  reports.  Robert  Cushman  and  Mr. 
Sherley  wrote  to  Governor  Bradford,  telling  him  of  these 
reports  and  complaints,  and  requesting  an  answer  to 
them.  The  following  are  some  of  the  complaints  and 
charges  made  against  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  namely, — That 
they  were  ‘‘starved  in  body  and  soul;”  that  ‘‘they  eate 
piggs  and  doggs  that  dye  alone;”  that  reports  of  4 'ye 
goodness  of  ye  countrie  are  gross  and  palpable  lyes;” 
that  there  is  “scarcely  a  fowle  to  be  seen  or  a  fish  to  be 
taken;”  that  there  are  religious  differences;  that  family 
duties  were  neglected  on  the  Lord’s  Day;  that  there  was 
no  administration  of  the  sacrament;  that  the  children 
were  not  taught  to  read;  that  many  of  the  ‘Particulars’ 
refused  to  work  for  the  ‘Generali,’  i.  e.,  the  Plymouth 
Company,  that  the  ground  is  barren,  and  that  many  are 
thieves  and  steal. 

Governor  Bradford  answered,  denying  many  of  the 
charges,  acknowledging  that  some  were  true,  and  making 
explanations  as  to  others.  There  is  abundant  proof, 
however,  that  all  of  these  charges  were  true,  except  the 
one  that  “they  eate  piggs  and  doggs  that  dye  alone.” 
Bradford,  however,  admits  that  during  the  famine  they 
lived  on  shellfish  dug  out  of  the  sand  ,and  at  times  they 
did  not  know  where  they  were  to  get  a  “bitt  of  anything 
ye  next  day.”  To  the  charge  that  there  were  religious 
differences  in  the  Colony,  Bradford  answered,  “We  know 


COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  COLONY 


105 


no  such  matter,  for  here  was  never  no  controversie  or 
opposition,  either  publick  or  private,  to  our  knowledge, 
since  we  came.”  It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  Bradford’s 
answer  to  this  last  charge  with  the  truth.  The  religious 
differences  and  controversies  in  the  Colony  between  the 
Separatists,  with  Bradford  as  their  leader,  and  those  of 
the  Established  Church,  were  a  constant  source  of  trouble, 
and  gave  rise  to  a  very  serious  difficulty. 

The  Adventurers  sent  over  Mr.  John  Lyford,  a  clergy¬ 
man  of  the  Established  Church,  with  Separatist  tendencies, 
as  a  minister  for  the  Colony.  He  was  not  a  Brownist 
when  he  came,  but  finding  only  the  Independent  or  Separa¬ 
tist  Church,  he  was  admitted  to  it,  and  sometimes  preached 
there,  though  not  elected  as  their  pastor.  John  Oldham 
was  a  leader  of  the  “Particulars,”  who  had  come  at  their 
own  expense.  Though  settled  in  Plymouth  Colony,  yet 
they  were  allowed  no  voice  in  the  civil  affairs  of  the  Colo¬ 
ny,  nor  were  they  allowed  to  have  or  attend  services  of 
the  Established  Church,  though  they  were  of  that  Church, 
and  were  not  Separatists.  Bradford  and  those  in  authority 
required  them  to  attend  the  Separatists’  meetings,  or 
suffer  punishment  for  refusal  or  failure  to  do  so. 

Lyford,  being  an  Episcopal  Clergyman,  soon  joined  the 
Oldham  faction,  and  began  holding  services  of  the  Estab¬ 
lished  Church  “on  the  Lord’s  Day.”  Bradford,  in  a  spirit 
of  intolerant  bigotry,  says,  that  Lyford  and  “his  accom¬ 
plices  without  ever  speaking  a  word  either  to  ye  Governor 
or  Elder,  withdrew  themselves  and  set  up  publick  meeting 
aparte  on  ye  Lord’s  Day.”  Oldham  and  the  “Particulars” 
were  English  subjects,  living  on  English  soil  and  under 


106 


THE  PILGRIMS 


the  English  flag;  they  were  loyal  to  Church  and  State; 
it  was  not  only  their  right,  but  their  duty,  under  the 
English  laws  to  hold  meetings,  and  use  the  form  of  service 
of  the  Established  Church. 

Oldham  and  Lyford  now  wrote  to  the  Company  in 
England,  and  told  them  of  the  civil  and  religious  conditions 
in  the  Colony.  They  were,  Bradford  says,  “full  of 
slanderous  and  false  accusations.”  Oldham  and  Lyford 
gave  these  letters  to  the  Master  of  a  ship,  then  preparing 
to  sail  for  England,  to  be  delivered  to  the  Company; 
there  was  found  “among  ye  rest  a  letter  of  their  con¬ 
federates,”  saying  that  “Mr.  Oldham  and  Mr.  Lyford 
intended  a  reformation  in  Church  and  Commonwealth; 
that  they  intended  to  joyne  together,  and  have  the 
sacraments  etc.”  This  may  have  been  treason  to  the 
Brownist  government,  but  it  was  loyalty  to  the  King, 
to  their  religion,  and  to  the  laws  of  their  Country. 

Bradford  says,  “it  was  now  thought  high  time,  to  pre¬ 
vent  further  mischief,  to  call  them  to  account.”  He 
called  a  court,  composed  of  himself  and  his  five  Separatist 
assistants ;  Oldham  and  Lyford  were  charged  with  plotting 
against  the  Colony,  which  they  denied;  the  Governor  then 
produced  the  intercepted  letters  of  Oldham  and  Lyford. 

The  following  charges,  against  the  Pilgrim  Fathers, 
were  made  in  Lyford’s  letters. 

1.  That  the  Church  would  have  none  to  come  but 
themselves. 

2.  That  if  any  honest  men  come  over  that  are  “not 

of  ye  Separation,  they  will  quickly  distaste  them.” 

********** 


COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  COLONY 


107 


4.  That  they  sought  to  ruin  the  “Particulars”  in 
this,  that  “they  would  not  suffer  any  of  ye  general 
either  to  buy  or  sell  with  them,  or  to  exchange  one 
commoditie  for  another.” 

5.  That  “they  turned  men  into  their  ‘particular' 
and  then  sought  to  starve  them.” 

These  letters,  also,  gave  some  “counsell  and  directions” 
as  follows, — 

“1.  That  the  Leyden  Company — Mr.  Robinson  and 
ye  rest,  must  still  be  kept  back;  that  the  Particulars 
should  have  voices  in  all  courts  and  elections,  and  be 

free  to  bear  any  office.” 

********** 

4.  That  if  they,  the  “Particulars,  cannot  be  so 
strengthened  as  to  carry  and  overbear  things,  it  will 
be  best  to  establish  a  plantation  elsewhere  by  them¬ 
selves.” 

Governor  Bradford  denied  all  of  these  charges;  they 
were,  however,  substantially  true.  It  was  true  that  the 
“Particulars”  had  neither  religious  nor  civil  liberty;  the 
Independent  Church  of  the  Separatists  was  the  only  one 
allowed  in  the  Colony,  and  only  such  were  admitted  to 
membership  as  the  “cheefe”  men  desired.  Although  the 
Separatists  were  only  a  very  small  minority,  yet  the 
majority,  who  were  of  the  Established  Church,  were 
excluded  from  all  religious  privileges,  except  those  of  the 
Independent  Church;  they  were  not  allowed  to  have  a 
church  of  their  own  faith  in  the  Colony.  It  was  true  that 
Bradford  and  his  associates  assumed  all  civil  authority, 
allowing  only  freemen  of  the  Colony  to  vote,  and 


108 


THE  PILGRIMS 


admitting  only  such  to  the  privileges  of  freemen  as  they 
wished;  those  of  the  Established  Church  were  barred 
Lyford  was,  also,  charged  with  dissembling,  in  that,  he 
had  been  admitted  to  their  Church,  and  had  “professed 
to  concur  with  them  in  all  things;’’  that  he  “drew  a 
company  aparte,  and  administered  the  Sacraments,”  as 
minister  of  the  Episcopal  Church.  This  was  true,  but  it 
was  a  sacred  duty  which  he  performed.  Bradford  says, 
that  Lyford  “confessed  he  feared  he  was  a  reprobate,” 
and  that  he  had  wronged  them. 

Oldham  and  Lyford  were  both  convicted  by  their 
Judges,  and  Oldham  was  expelled  from  the  Colony.  Ly¬ 
ford  was  sentenced  to  expulsion,  but  was  allowed  to  re¬ 
main  on  confession  of  his  sins. 

Lyford,  “after  a  month  or  two,”  notwithstanding  his 
confession,  conviction  and  public  acknowledgment,  wrote 
a  second  letter  to  “ye  Adventurers”  in  England.  In  this 
letter,  he  said  that  the  charges  made  in  his  previous  letter 
of  conditions  in  the  Colony  were  true;  that  those  outside 
the  Independent  Church,  though  the  Separatists  were  “ye 
smallest  number  in  ye  Colony,”  were  without  Church  or 
ministrie  “nor  had  they  any  ministrie  since  they  came;” 
that  some  **  “have,  with  tears,  complained  of  this  to 
me,  and  I  was  taxed  for  preaching  to  all  in  generall.” 

Bradford  does  not  deny  these  charges  of  Lyford,  but 
justifies  their  conduct,  saying  that  they  had  “God’s  word 
for  their  warrant ;  that  ordinairie  officers  are  bound 
cheefly  to  their  flocks,”  quoting  Acts  20;  28.  “Take heed 
therefore  unto  yourselves  and  to  all  the  flock  over  which 
the  holy  Ghost  have  made  you  overseers.”  This 


COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  COLONY 


109 


Plymouth  flock,  of  which  Bradford  and  Brewster  were 
“overseers,”  were  Brownists. 

Lyford  was  a  man  of  bad  character  and  low  morals, 
as  subsequent  events  proved.  He  was  not,  however, 
expelled  from  the  Colony,  because  of  his  bad  character, 
or  immoralities,  but  on  account  of  his  exposition  of  con¬ 
ditions  in  the  Colony. 


Chapter  XVIII 

THE  ADVENTURERS  BREAK 
WITH  THE  COLONISTS 

THE  COLONY  had  proven  to  be  a  losing  venture 
to  the  Merchant  Adventurers. 

The  Colonists  had  not  succeeded  as  farmers,  because 
the  country  was  not  suitable  for  agriculture;  they  had 
not  built  up  a  fur  trade  with  the  Indians,  nor  had  they 
been  successful  in  their  fishing  ventures ;  they  had  become 
indebted  to  the  Adventurers  in  a  sum  not  less  than 
fourteen  hundred  pounds  for  supplies ;  this  was  in  addition 
to  the  amount,  which  the  Adventurers  had  advanced 
them  to  finance  the  Colony  in  the  beginning,  which  was 
about  seven  thousand  pounds. 

When  the  report  of  the  conditions  in  the  Colony,  from 
Oldham  and  Lyford,  were  received  by  the  Company  in 
England,  “the  greatest  part”  of  the  Adventurers  refused 
to  furnish  “any  further  supplies”  to  the  Colony.  The 
Company  wrote  the  Colonists  the  following,  as  some  of 
the  reasons  “of  their  breaking  off  from  ye  plantation,” 
namely,  that  they  had  “dissembled  with  his  Majesty  in 
their  petition,  and  with  ye  Adventurers  about  ye  French 
discipline;”  (The  French  discipline  did  not  conflict  with 
that  of  the  Established  Church)  further,  that,  though  they 
denied  the  name  of  Brownists,  they  practiced  the  same. 


in 


112 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  Adventurers  further  say,  that  if  we  continue  in 
trade  with  you,  we  desire: — 

“First.  That  as  we  are  partners  in  trade,  so  we  may 
be  in  government  there  as  our  patent  doth  give  us  power. 

‘2nd.  That  the  French  discipline  may  be  prac¬ 
tised  in  the  plantation  in  substance,  whereby  ye 
scandalous  name  of  ye  Brownists,  and  other  Church 
differences  may  be  taken  away. 

‘3rd.  Lastly,  that  Mr.  Robinson  and  his  Company 
may  not  go  over  to  our  plantation,  unless  he  and  they 
will  reconcile  themselves  to  our  Church  by  a  recantation.” 
The  answer  of  Bradford  and  his  associates  to  these 
demands  was  evasive ;  its  tenor,  however,  was  to  the  effect 
that  they  did  not  intend  to  abandon  their  Independent 
Church.  The  Adventurers  were  clearly  right  in  their 
demands ;  they  had  financed  the  Colonists  with  the  under¬ 
standing  that  the  plantation  was  to  be  located  in  Virginia, 
under  a  patent  in  which  they  recognized  the  Established 
Church  and  the  Supremacy  of  the  King  as  spiritual  and 
temporal  Ruler  of  the  Nation. 

Bradford  and  his  associates  did  not  go  to  Virginia, 
but  went  to  New  England,  without  the  knowlege  of 
the  Adventurers,  and  without  authority  located  their 
Colony  on  land  to  which  they  had  no  right  or  patent. 
When  the  Adventurers  learned  of  this,  in  order  to  protect 
their  interests,  they  obtained  a  patent  to  the  land  on 
which  the  Colony  was  located,  and  the  Colonists  accepted 
and  claimed  the  land  under  this  patent.  In  accepting 
and  claiming  under  this  patent  they  become  subject  to 
all  the  laws  of  England,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical. 


ADVENTURERS  BREAK  WITH  COLONY  113 


Bradford  ignored  the  claim  made  by  the  Adventurers 
that  as  they  were  partners  they  were  entitled  to  a  voice 
in  the  civil  government.  Under  their  contract  and  patent 
the  Adventurers  had  a  right  to  a  voice  in  the  civil  govern¬ 
ment.  At  this  time,  there  were  not  more  than  twenty 
persons  in  the  Colony  from  the  Leyden  congregation, 
and  a  very  few  Separatists  from  England;  the  remainder 
of  those  in  the  Colony  were  either  sent  over  by  the  Ad¬ 
venturers,  or  had  come  to  Plymouth  from  settlements 
made  in  other  parts  of  Massachusetts,  and  were  loyal  to 
the  Established  Church;  they  were  not  Brownists,  con¬ 
sequently,  were  not  allowed  the  service  of  their  Church, 
nor  any  voice  in  the  civil  government  of  the  Colony. 
Under  the  laws  of  England,  they  were  prohibited  from 
attending  a  non-conformist  meeting,  yet  if  they  did  not 
“attend  ye  hearing  of  ye  word”  in  the  Independent 
Church,  “they  were  punished  for  ye  same.” 

When  the  Adventurers  learned  that  Bradford  and  his 
associates  had  established  a  Brownist  Church,  and  ex¬ 
cluded  the  Established  Church  from  the  Colony,  they 
objected  because  it  was  in  conflict  with  the  laws  of  Eng¬ 
land.  They,  therefore,  insisted  on  the  exclusion  of  “Robin¬ 
son  and  his  Company”  from  the  Colony,  as  one  of  the 
conditions  on  which  they  would  continue  to  support  the 
Colony,  “unless  he  and  they  would  reconcile  themselves 
to  our  Church  by  a  recantation;”  they  were  entirely 
justified  in  the  stand  taken  by  them  in  this  matter. 

Bradford,  Brewster  and  these  Plymouth  Brownists 
were,  as  ever,  intolerant  and  defiant  of  the  laws,  even 
though  living  and  claiming  protection  under  them. 


114 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  Adventurers  were  very  much  dissatisfied  with 
their  venture.  They  had  furnished  the  Colonists  about 
seven  thousand  pounds,  their  original  investment,  and 
since  that  time  they  had  advanced  fourteen  hundred 
pounds  for  buying  supplies,  and  supporting  the  Colonists 
in  New  England;  no  part  of  these  sums  had  been  paid;  the 
Colonists,  however,  had  their  living  and  support  from  the 
common  store  during  all  these  years. 

All  parties,  both  the  Colonists  and  the  Adventurers, 
were  desirous  of  ending  the  contract,  which  by  its  terms 
would  expire  in  1627.  In  1625,  the  Colonists  sent  Captain 
Miles  Standish  to  England  to  raise  money  for  the  Colony, 
and  to  sound  the  Company  in  the  matter  of  making 
a  settlement  with  them,  and  terminating  the  contract. 
Some  progress  was  made  by  him  toward  a  “composition" 
with  the  Merchant  Adventurers.  The  next  year,  1626, 
they  sent  Mr.  Allerton  to  England  for  the  purpose  of 
arranging  a  settlement  with  the  Company.  He  returned 
in  the  spring  of  1627  bringing  with  him  a  draft  of  an 
agreement  for  a  settlement,  in  substance  as  follows, — 
The  Adventurers  agreed  to  sell  to  Isaac  Allerton,  the  agent 
for  the  planters,  their  interest  in  all  “stock,  shares,  lands, 
merchandise  and  chattels  of  the  Company,  for  the  sum 
of  eighteen  hundred  pounds  payable  in  installments 
of  two  hundred  pounds  each  year,  the  first  payment  to 
be  made  in  1628 ;  the  Colonists  agreed  to  sign  an  obligation 
for  the  payment  of  this  money.  This  agreement  was 
“very  well  liked,"  and  approved  by  all  the  plantation, 
and  seven  or  eight  of  the  “cheefe"  men  of  the  Colony 
signed  this  obligation  and  became  bound  “in  ye  behalfe 


ADVENTURERS  BREAK  WITH  COLONY  115 


of  ye  rest”  to  the  Adventurers  for  the  payment  of  eighteen 
hundred  pounds. 

This  ended  the  community  contract  that  had  proven 
so  disastrous  to  the  merchants.  Of  more  than  eight  thous¬ 
and  pounds,  which  they  had  advanced  to  the  Colonists, 
they  had  received  nothing  in  return,  and  now  accepted 
eighteen  hundred  pounds  in  full  settlement  of  all  claims 
and  demands  against  the  Colonists,  and  for  their  interest 
in  all  community  property. 

All  of  the  benefits  had  accrued  to  the  Colonists,  and 
none  to  the  Merchant  Adventurers;  they  had  suffered  a 
heavy  loss  instead  of  a  profit.  The  Colonists  had  received 
their  transportation  and  many  supplies,  their  living  and 
support  for  seven  years,  and  now  became  possessed  of  all 
the  property,  both  land  and  personal,  of  the  Company, 
and  had  become  established  as  the  first  permanent 
Colony  in  New  England. 


i 


Chapter  XIX 

COMMUNISM 

IN  the  colonization  of  New  England  and  Virginia, 
the  contracts  made  between  the  Adventurers,  that  is 
the  men,  who  furnished  the  money,  and  the  emigrants, 
were  communistic. 

The  Merchant  Adventurers  were  to  furnish  the  money 
in  both  cases,  and  they  were  to  continue  together  as  a 
joint  stock  company  for  a  period  of  seven  years;  that 
during  that  time  the  emigrants  on  their  part,  should 
work  for  the  common  good,  and  that  the  result  of  their 
labor  should  be  placed  in  the  community  store  house; 
that  their  support  and  supplies  should  be  apportioned 
out  of  the  common  stock,  and  at  the  end  of  seven  years 
all  profits  from  whatever  source  should  then  be  divided 
between  the  Adventurers  and  the  emigrants  on  the  basis 
agreed  upon. 

This  communistic  plan  was  a  failure  in  both  the  Vir¬ 
ginia  and  the  New  England  Colonies;  it  destroyed  individ¬ 
uality;  it  robbed  the  emigrant  of  the  incentive  to  labor 
and  produce;  he  could  not  enjoy  the  result  of  his  thrift 
and  industry,  but  he  must  share  it  with  the  incompetent 
improvident,  shiftless  and  lazy.  It  proved  to  be  profit¬ 
able  neither  to  the  Adventurers  nor  to  the  emigrants. 


118 


THE  PILGRIMS 


“What  is  a  Communist?  One  that  hath  yearnings 
For  equal  division  of  unequal  earnings, 

Idler  or  bungler  or  both,  he  is  willing 

To  fork  out  his  penny  and  pocket  your  shillings.” 

It  is  to  little  purpose,  and  under  a  misconception  of 
the  facts,  that  writers,  three  centuries  after,  rail  at  the 
Merchant  Adventurers  for  driving,  what  they  term,  a 
hard  bargain  with  the  Emigrants. 

This  community  plan  was  not  new  to  the  Leyden 
congregation.  Various  religious  Sects  had  adopted,  and 
were  living  under  the  community  plan, — that  is,  the 
individual  members  were  living  and  working  on  the  basis 
of  putting  their  earnings  and  property  in  one  common 
stock. 

The  Separatists  had,  to  some  extent,  been  living  under 
it  in  Holland.  In  making  this  contract  they  thought  that, 
if  it  had  proven  a  blessing  to  them  in  their  exile  in  Holland, 
why  not  in  America?  They  were  willing  to  accept  the 
contract  based  on  the  community  plan. 

As  we  look  back  through  the  centuries,  we  see  one 
reason,  at  least,  fatal  to  its  success, — the  Plymouth 
Colonists  were  not  homogenious.  The  Colony  was  com¬ 
posed  of  all  types  of  men, — the  industrious,  the  lazy, 
the  thrifty,  the  shiftless,  the  ungodly  and  undesirable, 
the  godly,  the  conformists  of  the  Established  Church 
and  the  Brownists.  Even  if  it  had  not  been  based  on 
principles  that  are  fundamentally  wrong,  yet  under 
these  conditions,  the  community  plan  was  impossible  of 
success. 

In  1623,  the  Governor  and  “cheefe”  advisers  awoke  to 


COMMUNISM 


119 


the  fact  that  communism  was  a  failure.  In  order  to 
encourage  the  raising  of  more  corn  a  “parcell  of  land” 
was  allotted,  for  the  time  being,  to  each  family.  The 
com  raised,  became  the  individual  property  of  the  family; 
the  plan  proved  to  be  a  success. 

Bradford  says,  that  their  experience  shows  the  “vanitie 
of  that  conceit  of  Plato,”  the  ancient  Communist, — 
“that  ye  taking  away  of  propertie  and  bringing  in  com- 
munitie  into  a  commone  wealth,  would  make  them  happy 
and  flourishing;  as  if  they  were  wiser  than  God.”  He 
says,  that  the  young  and  able  would  not  work  for  other 
men’s  wives  and  children  “without  any  recompense;” 
that  “victailsand  clothes”  were  divided  equally  between 
the  young  and  old,  the  strong  and  weak.  “This  was 
thought  injustice.” 

The  “Community  plan  was  found  to  breed  much  con¬ 
fusion  and  discontent”  among  the  Colonists.  Com¬ 
munism  was  a  failure. 

In  1624,  the  Colonists  appealed  to  the  Governor  to 
have  a  piece  of  land  allotted  to  them  individually,  that 
each  one  might  cultivate,  improve,  keep  and  enjoy; 
this  request  was  granted,  and  each  person  was  allotted 
one  acre  of  land  “to  them  and  theirs.”  This  was  the 
beginning  of  the  end  of  Communism  in  Plymouth  Colony, 
though  some  years  were  required  before  it  was,  finally, 
abandoned. 


<?• 


Chapter  XX 

A  MONOPOLY  OP  TRADE  IN  THE  COLONY 

THOUGH  this  contract  and  sale  of  all  the  interests 
of  the  Adventurers  in  the  property  and  lands  of  the 
joint  company  was  made  in  the  name  of  Isaac  Allerton, 
and  the  obligation  for  the  payment  of  eighteen  hundred 
pounds,  the  purchase  price  therefor,  was  signed  by  only 
seven  or  eight  of  “ye  cheefe  men"  of  the  Colony,  yet  it 
was  for  the  benefit  of  all  the  Colonists. 

Notwithstanding  this  fact,  it  is  evident  that  Bradford, 
Allerton,  Brewster  and  Winslow  intended  to  take  all  of 
the  property,  lands,  rights  and  benefits,  under  the  con¬ 
tract  of  settlement,  for  themselves  to  the  exclusion  of  all 
other  Colonists.  This  conduct  of  the  Brownists  “cheefes” 
threatened  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  Colony. 

At  this  time,  there  were  very  few  of  the  Colonists  in 
Plymouth  who  had  sailed  in  the  Mayflower  still  living,  and 
only  thirty-five  had  arrived  from  Leyden  since  that 
time.  The  great  majority  of  the  Colonists  were  from 
England ;  some  had  been  sent  out  under  contract  with  the 
Adventurers  and  others  had  come  on  their  own  “Parti¬ 
cular,” — at  their  own  expense;  all  of  these  people  had 
acquired  interests,  either  in  individual  or  in  community 
property  and  lands  in  Plymouth;  they  had  spent  their 
time,  labor  and  money  in  acquiring  property,  and  in  the 


121 


122 


THE  PILGRIMS 


development  of  the  Colony;  they  now  demanded  that 
their  rights,  subject  to  the  payment  of  the  debts,  should 
be  recognized.  They  registered  a  vigorous  protest  against 
the  acts  of  these  “Pilgrim  Fathers,”  in  claiming  for  them¬ 
selves  all  community  property  of  the  Colony. 

In  order  to  preserve  “peace  and  union,”  and  prevent 
“danger  and  great  disturbance,”  which  might  grow  to 
ther  great  “hurt  and  prejudice,”  the  “Governor  and 
Counsell,”  and  “other  of  their  cheefes,”  decided  that  it 
would  be  wise  to  take  into  partnership  all  “that  were 
either  heads  of  families  or  single  yonge  men  of  ability 
and  free.”  They  resolved,  however,  to  make  a  distribu¬ 
tion  in  such  a  manner  as  to  retain  control  of  the  affairs  of 
the  Colony;  they  required  every  man  to  whom  an  allot¬ 
ment  was  made  to  pay  a  proportionate  part  of  the  in¬ 
debtedness.  They  now  made  distribution  of  the  property 
in  the  following  manner,  namely, — they  gave  a  “cowe 
and  two  goats  to  six  persons,  and  swine  by  the  same  rule.” 
The  leaders  distributed  the  land  “as  seemed  to  them 
best.” 

1st.  “To  the  group  of  from  eight  to  fifteen,  which 
number  included  the  leaders,  **  whom  they  regarded 
as  most  worthy  **  they  allotted  the  best  house  lots, 
the  best  meadows  for  hay  and  the  most  desirable 
fishing  rights.”  These  were  Brownists. 

2nd.  “To  a  second  group,  which  contained  the  re¬ 
mainder  of  the  Church  members,  other  good  and,  on 
the  whole,  desirable  grants  were  made.” 

3rd.  “Potential  Church  members,  godly  and  desired 
persons,  called  Inhabitants,  who  could  be  trusted  to 


A  MONOPOLY  OF  TRADE 


123 


pursue  agriculture  as  a  calling,  under  such  restrictions 
as  the  leaders  deemed  necessary,  were,  also,  given 
land.” 

4th.  “The  unprivileged,  those  who  were  not 
considered  as  possible  church  members  or  citizens, 
received  no  land,  had  no  right  to  cut  hay  on  the  town 
meadows,  and  were  obliged  to  work  as  directed.  These 
included  all  temporary  residents  of  the  Colony,  called 
sojourners,  people  on  probation  pending  a  decision  by  the 
leaders  as  to  their  desirability  for  Colony  residence,  and 
the  bond  servants,  servants,  apprentices,  minor  children 
and  slaves.”  The  slaves  were  Indians  captured  in  war, 
and  some  negroes .  4  ‘  The  inhabitants  **  might  graduate 
into  the  Freeman  class,  or  one  of  the  utterly  unprivileged 
might  become  an  Inhabitant  at  the  discretion  of  Brad¬ 
ford,  Brewster,  Allerton,  the  son-in-law  of  William 
Brewster,  Edward  Winslow  and  Miles  Standish.  These 
few  men  absolutely  controlled  the  destiny  of  the  Colony. 
Under  this  plan,  only  members  of  the  Independent  or 
Brownist  Church  were  allotted  land,  or  admitted  to  the 
rank  of  Freemen. 

Governor  Bradford  and  “some  of  the  cheefe  friends,” 
being  now  free  from  the  contract  with  the  Adventurers, 
who  had  forbidden  them  bringing  any  more  of  the  Ley¬ 
den  Brownists  into  the  Colony  unless  they  recanted,  were 
desirous  of  “devising  means  to  help  some  of  their  friends 
and  brethren  of  Leyden”  over  to  them.  In  order  to  effect 
this,  Bradford  says,  “they  resolved  to  rune  a  high  course, 
and  of  great  adventure,  not  knowing  otherwise  how  to 
bring  it  about.” 


124 


THE  PILGRIMS 


They  now  devised  a  scheme  to  obtain  a  monopoly  of 
the  trade  of  the  Colony,  and  to  get  possession  of  all  its 
personal  property.  To  that  end  a  contract  was  made  in 
July  1627,  “between  ye  Colony  of  New  Plimoth,”  whereby 
William  Bradford  as  Governor  of  the  Colony,  gave  to 
himself, —  “William  Bradford,  Miles  Standish  and  Isaac 
Allerton  and  etc.”,  William  Brewster  and  Edward 
Winslow  also  being  parties  to  the  contract,  the  use  of 
the  pinass,  a  boat  and  shalopp,  together  “with  their  whole 
stock  of  furs,  pelts,  beads,  corn,  wampumpeak,  hatchets, 
knives,  and  etc.”  and,  also,  “ye  whole  trade ”  of  ye  Colony 
“with  all  ye  privileges  thereof  **  for  6  full  years.” 
William  Bradford,  Captain  Miles  Standish  and  Isaac 
Allerton  and  others  to  the  contract,  were  to  pay  the 
debts  of  the  Company,  namely,  eighteen  hundred  pounds, 
to  the  Adventurers,  “about  six  hundred  pounds  more” 
and  to  pay  yearly  “3  bushels  of  corne,  or  6  pounds  of 
tobacco”  and  “bestow  50  pounds  per  annum  in  hose  and 
shoes**  for  ye  collonies  use,”  but  “to  be  sould  under  them 
for  corne  at  six  shillings  per  bushell.” 

The  Colonists  were  called  together  and  the  contract 
explained  to  them.  They  approved  it,  with  the  under¬ 
standing  that  it  was  only  made  for  the  purpose  of  paying 
the  indebtedness  of  the  Colony.  The  plan,  however,  of 
Bradford  and  his  “cheefe”  men  to  bring  over  their  Leyden 
friends  was  “kept  secrete.”  They  “only  privately  ac¬ 
quainted  some  of  their  trusty  friends  therewith.” 

When  it  is  remembered,  that  Plymouth  was  an  English 
Colony,  that  the  Colonists,  were  mostly  loyal  English 
subjects,  we  can  understand  the  reason  for  maintaining 


A  MONOPOLY  OF  TRADE 


125 


secrecy  concerning  the  plan  to  bring  to  the  Colony  their 
Brownist  friends  from  Leyden. 

Isaac  Allerton  was  now  sent  to  England  to  pay  the  first 
instalment  of  two  hundred  pounds  of  the  debt,  and  obtain 
a  deed  to  the  property  from  the  Adventurers.  He  was, 
also,  to  arrange  with  parties  to  serve  them  as  agents  and 
factors  under  this  contract.  He  returned  in  the  spring 
of  1628,  bringing  with  him  the  deed  from  the  Adventurers. 

Allerton  at  this  time  brought  with  him  a  patent  for 
land  on  the  Kennebec  river,  but  the  description  was  so 
indefinite  that  another  one  was  obtained  in  1630.  This 
patent  was  issued  to  William  Bradford,  his  heirs  and  as¬ 
signs,  and  included  not  only  land  on  the  Kennebec,  but, 
also,  a  “tract  of  land  including  Plymouth,”  and  extending 
to  Narragansett  Bay.  The  Colony  was  governed  under 
this  patent  until  it  was  merged  in  the  Commonwealth 
of  Massachusetts  in  1691. 

Bradford,  though  Governor  of  the  Colony,  and  his 
associates  had  thus  obtained  title  to  all  the  property, 
both  real  and  personal,  of  the  Colony,  as  well  as  a  mono¬ 
poly  of  all  the  trading  rights  in  the  Colony  for  a  period 
of  six  years. 

Bradford,  Standish  and  other  parties  to  the  contract 
had  implicit  faith  in  the  honesty  of  their  co-partner  Isaac 
Allerton;  but  in  1629,  they  began  to  suspect  that  he  was 
not  dealing  honestly  with  them.  He  was,  however,  sent 
to  England  again  in  1629,  on  business  for  his  co-partners; 
again,  his  conduct  of  their  affairs  was  such  as  to  lead 
them  to  mistrust  him.  In  1630,  Bradford  and  his  assoc¬ 
iates  sent  Edward  Winslow  to  England  to  investigate 


126 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Mr.  Allerton’s  “course,”  ***  “and  if  he  found  things  not 
well,  to  discharge  him.”  The  charges  of  misconduct  and 
wrong  doing  by  Allerton  were  found  to  be  true;  he  had 
traded  with  the  funds  of  the  Company,  dealt  in  the  name 
of  the  Company  on  his  own  account,  kept  profits  belong¬ 
ing  to  them,  and  involved  them  in  an  indebtedness  of 
about  four  thousand  pounds.  It  was  discovered  that  he 
had  cleared  about  four  hundred  pounds  which  he  had 
put  “into  a  brew  house”  in  London  in  the  name  of  another 
person.  He  was,  therefore,  discharged  and  left  the 
Colony. 


Chapter  XXI 

SEPARATISTS  ARE  BROUGHT  FROM  LEYDEN 

IN  pursuance  of  their  secret  plan,  Bradford  and  his 
associates,  in  1629,  brought  from  Leyden  thirty-five 
of  their  Separatist  friends.  They  landed  at  Salem  in  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  and  came  from  there  to 
Plymouth.  In  May  1630,  another  company  of  their 
friends  from  Leyden,  came  with  Winthrop’s  fleet  to 
Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  and  from  there  to  Plymouth. 
These  two  companies  of  friends  from  Leyden  were  poor, 
and  without  means,  either  to  pay  for  their  transportation 
or  to  support  themselves  after  arriving  at  Plymouth. 
The  cost  to  the  Colony  of  their  outfit  and  transportation 
was  about  five  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  and  in  addition 
they  were  a  charge  upon  the  Colony  for  about  eighteen 
months  after  their  arrival. 

There  was  much  complaint  on  the  part  of  the  Colonists 
because  of  this  burden  of  supporting  these  new  Brownist 
friends  from  Leyden.  Bradford  and  his  associates  had, 
however,  accomplished  their  “secrete”  purpose  of  bringing 
them  into  the  Colony.  The  expense  of  their  transportation 
and  maintenance  for  nearly  eighteen  months  was  paid 
out  of  the  proceeds  of  the  trading  concession,  which 
under  the  contract,  should  have  been  applied  to  the  pay¬ 
ment  of  the  debts  of  the  Colony. 


127 


128 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  power  of  Bradford  and  his  associates  in  the  Colony, 
was  greatly  strengthened  both  in  the  Church  and  in  the 
State  by  the  addition  of  these  Brownist  friends  from 
Leyden;  their  main  object  in  bringing  them  into  the 
Colony  was  thus  accomplished. 

In  1630,  there  were  only  three  hundred  persons  in 
Plymouth  Colony,  and  of  these  only  sixty-eight  had  been 
admitted  to  the  rank  of  freemen.  Even  a  freeman  was 
not  allowed  to  own  land  in  his  own  name  in  the  Colony 
until  1640.  Certain  small  tracts  had  been  allotted  to  the 
freemen  to  use,  cultivate  and  enjoy,  prior  to  the  termina¬ 
tion  of  the  contract  with  the  Merchant  Adventurers;  but 
the  title  to  the  land  remained  in  Bradford.  Through 
this  means,  Bradford  and  his  associates  were  able  to  retain 
absolute  and  exclusive  control  of  the  affairs  of  the  Colony. 

A  new  condition,  however,  confronted  them,  that 
threatened  the  Church  and  even  the  town  of  Plymouth. 

A  charter  was  granted  to  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Com¬ 
pany  in  1629,  to  land  adjoining  the  Plymouth  Colony. 
Under  this  charter,  there  was  a  large  emigration  to  New 
England  by  the  Puritans.  These  new  comers  were  neigh¬ 
bors  of  the  Pilgrims;  they  needed  corn,  cattle  and  other 
supplies.  The  Plymouth  Colonists  in  order  to  furnish 
these  commodities  began  leaving  Plymouth  town,  and 
“scattered  all  over  ye  Bay,”  in  order  to  secure  more  land 
on  which  to  raise  corn  and  cattle.  Bradford  and  his 
associates  saw  that,  if  this  was  continued  Plymouth 
town  would  be  deserted  and  the  Church  weakened.  In 
order  to  prevent  any  further  “scattering,”  the  Governor 
and  his  associates  refused  to  make  allotments  of  land 


SEPARA  TISTS  BROUGHT  FROM  LEYDEN  129 


at  a  distance  from  Plymouth  town;  they  decided,  however, 
to  allot  “some  good  farms  to  spetial  persons  that  would 
promise  to  live  at  Plimoth,  **  and  so  tie  ye  lands  to  Pli- 
moth  as  farms  for  the  same.” 

In  pursuance  of  this  plan,  they  allotted  some  “spetial 
lands”  at  Green  Harbor,  near  Plymouth.  “But  alass! 
this  remedy  proved  worse  than  ye  disease.”  The  plan 
was  a  failure;  the  farmers  insisted  on  living  on  their 
farms;  these  farmers  and  others  began  to  “breake  away,” 
and  leave  the  town  of  Plymouth.  A  new  town  which  they 
called  “Duxbury”  was  soon  established  on  the  north 
side  of  the  harbor.  Captain  Miles  Standish  moved  from 
Plymouth  to  Duxbury. 

Bradford  said  of  this  movement  to  leave  Plymouth  and 
settle  in  other  places, — “This,  I  fear,  will  be  ye  ruine  of 
New  England,  at  least  of  ye  Churches  of  God  ther,  and 
will  provock  ye  Lord’s  displeasure  against  them.” 

Bradford  feared  that  this  “scattering”  would  end  the 
dream  of  empire,  which  he,  Brewster  and  Winslow  had 
planned  to  establish  in  the  New  World,  where  they 
would  be  both  spiritual  and  civil  Rulers  of  the  people. 


Chapter  XXII 


COLONIAL  CONTROVERSIES  AND 
APPOINTMENT  OF  COMMISSIONERS  FOR 

THE  COLONIES 

AT  this  time, — in  1634, — the  Governors  and  leaders 
of  the  various  Colonies  in  New  England  became 
very  much  disturbed  over  the  report  that  Charles  the 
First,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  England  on  the 
death  of  his  father,  King  James  the  First,  had  appointed 
a  commission  to  investigate  affairs  in  the  Colonies. 

By  the  year  1634,  several  Colonies  had  been  established 
in  New  England.  The  Puritan  and  Pilgrim  Governors 
and  officials  of  these  Colonies  were  ruling  and  governing 
them,  both  in  civil  and  ecclesiastical  affairs,  without 
regard  to  the  terms  of  their  charters,  or  of  the  English 
laws.  Many  questions  and  disputes  were  continually 
arising  as  to  the  powers  of  the  officials  in  the  execution 
of  the  laws,  in  their  internal  affairs,  and  especially  con¬ 
cerning  the  rights  and  powers  of  the  respective  Colonies 
in  their  relations  to  each  other.  Reports  of  these  disputes 
had  been  sent  home  to  England.  It  became  necessary  to 
create  a  commission  that  would  have  the  right  and  power 
to  hear,  determine,  and  settle  these  controversies. 

In  order  to  “bring  tranquility  and  quietness”  in  the 
Colonies,  Charles  the  First  created  a  “Commission  for 


131 


132 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Regulating  Plantations.”  He  appointed  to  this  com¬ 
mission  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Archbishop  of  York, 
Richard,  Earle  of  Portland  and  others.  They  were 
given  power  to  “makes  lawes,  constitutions  and  ordi¬ 
nances,”  concerning  lands,  property,  succession,  and  trade 
in  the  Colonies,  to  regulate  their  affairs  with  “foraigne 
princes,”  and  those  pertaining  to  “ye  clergic  governmente 
or  to  ye  care  of  souls,”  and  “to  make  provision  against 
ye  violation  of  these  laws.”  The  Commissioners  were 
given  power  to  remove  “Governors  or  Rulers”  for  cause 
which  the  Commissioners  deemed  sufficient,  also  to  create 
courts,  and  to  appoint  “Judges  and  Magistrates,  political 
and  civil,  for  civil  causes,”  and  “Judges,  Magistrates  and 
Dignities”  in  “Ecclesiastical”  causes,  and,  generally,  to 
“hear  and  determine  **  all  manner  of  complaints,  either 
against  the  Colonies  or  their  Rulers  or  Governors.” 

An  interference  with  their  rule,  either  civil  or  ecclesias¬ 
tical,  was  the  last  thing,  which  the  Governors  of  the  New 
England  Colonies  desired.  Thomas  Dudley,  Governor  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  at  this  time  wrote  a  letter 
to  Governor  Prence  of  Plymouth  Colony  concerning  the 
disputes  between  the  respective  Colonies.  In  this  letter 
he  says,  that  the  news  of  this  commission  “wroughte 
divers  fears  of  some  trials,  which  are  shortly  like  to  fall 
upon  us;”  therefore,  it  seemed  most  desirable  to  “defer 
action  in  order  to  avoid  a  common  danger  to  us  both 
approaching.” 

Plymouth  Colony  had  become  involved  in  trouble  with 
the  French  east  of  them.  The  French  had  entered  upon 
the  lands  claimed  by  the  Plymouth  Colonists  under  their 


APPOINTMENT  OF  COMMISSIONERS  133 


patent,  and  seized  one  of  their  houses,  carried  away  their 
goods,  killed  two  men,  and  taken  others  prisoners.  They 
had,  also,  for  some  time  been  having  trouble  with  the 
Dutch  on  the  Connecticut  river. 

Although  the  Colony  was  now  in  a  prosperous  condition, 
yet  many  difficulties  arose  through  the  ambitious  desires 
of  Bradford  and  his  associates  to  extend  the  activities  of 
the  Colony,  outside  the  limits  of  their  patent.  They 
selected  a  site  on  the  Connecticut  river,  outside  the  limits 
of  their  patent,  about  fifty  miles  north  of  its  mouth  at 
the  place  where  Hartford  now  stands,  as  suitable  for  a 
plantation  and  trading  post.  Winslow  and  Bradford  tried 
to  induce  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  to  join  them, 
but  they  refused  to  do  so,  for  there  were  too  many  dangers, 
both  from  the  Indians,  and  Dutch  who  had  already 
established  a  post  there. 

The  Plymouth  Company  determined  to  proceed  in  the 
enterprise  alone.  When  the  Dutch  learned  of  this,  they 
built  a  forte  and  planted  there  two  pieces  of  ordinance 
to  stop  their  passage  up  the  river.  The  Plymouth  Com¬ 
pany  fitted  out  a  boat  with  all  necessaries  for  a  trading 
post,  and  started  up  the  river.  When  they  came  to  the  Dutch 
post,  they  were  threatened  by  the  Dutch,  but  claiming 
their  right  to  proceed  under  a  commission  from  the 
Governor  of  Plymouth,  they  were  allowed  to  continue. 
On  coming  to  the  place  where  Windsor  now  stands,  they 
built  a  house  and  fortified  it.  This  came  near  involving 
them  in  war  with  the  Dutch,  who  sent  an  expedition  of 
seventy  men  against  them;  as  the  Plymouth  men  were 
well  fortified,  after  a  parley,  the  Dutch  force  was  with- 


134 


THE  PILGRIMS 


drawn.  This  venture,  however,  was  a  failure  and  the 
post  was,  finally,  abandoned. 

In  1634,  they  became  involved  in  a  very  serious  diffi¬ 
culty  over  what  they  claimed  was  their  exclusive  right 
under  their  patent,  to  trade  with  the  Indians  on  the  Kenne¬ 
bec  river. 

One  Hocking,  commanding  a  vessel  from  Piscatauqua, 
a  plantation  belonging  to  Lord  Saybrook,  came  up  the 
river  for  the  purpose  of  trading  with  the  Indians  above 
the  trading  post  of  the  Plymouth  Colony,  but  outside 
the  Plymouth  patent.  The  Plymouth  Commander  for¬ 
bade  Hocking  going  above  their  post,  as  he  would  thus 
intercept  the  trade  with  the  Indians  that  would,  otherwise, 
come  to  the  Plymouth  post.  Hocking  insisted  on  his 
right  to  trade  above  the  Plymouth  Post,  and  continuing, 
anchored  above  the  limits  of  the  Plymouth  patent;  the 
Plymouth  Commander  ordered  his  men  to  cut  the  cable 
and  set  the  vessel  adrift,  which  they  did;  Hocking  then 
shot  and  killed  one  of  the  Plymouth  men,  whereupon  a 
Plymouth  man  shot  Hocking,  killing  him. 

John  Alden  was  at  the  Kennebec  post  at  the  time  of  the 
killing  of  Hocking,  where  he  had  been  sent  with  supplies 
for  the  Plymouth  men.  Soon  after  this,  Alden  was  sent 
to  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts,  where  he  was  seized  and 
committed  to  prison.  What  authority  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  Company  had  to  arrest  and  confine  Alden  in  prison 
for  killing  Hocking,  does  not  appear.  Captain  Standish 
was  sent  to  Massachusetts  Bay  to  obtain  his  release; 
this  was  accomplished,  but  a  bond  was  required  from 
Standish  obligating  himself  to  appear  at  the  next  term 


APPOINTEMNT  OF  COMMISSIONERS  13  5 


of  court,  to  produce  a  copy  of  the  patent,  and  explain 
the  circumstances  of  the  killing  of  Hocking.  The  trial 
was,  finally,  had  before  Representatives  of  all  the  Planta¬ 
tions  to  whom  the  case  was  referred  by  agreement  between 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  and  Plymouth  Colonies.  This 
commission  found  that  the  killing  of  Hocking  was  justified,  - 
as  “his  own  conduct  provoked  it,”  and  Alden  was  aquitted. 

A  further  calamity  fell  upon  the  Colony  this  year. 
An  “infectious  fever”  broke  out,  from  which  over  twenty 
persons  died. 

Edward  Winslow  was  now,  in  1635,  sent  to  England  to 
appeal  to  the  “Commissioners  for  the  Plantations  in 
America,”  praying  the  Lords,  either  to  “procure  peace 
with  those  Foraigne  States,  or  else  to  give  special  warrant 
to  the  Plymouth  Colony,  and  ye  English  Colonies  **  to 
defend  themselves  against  all  Foraigne  enemies.” 

The  wiser  heads  in  the  other  Colonies  did  not  approve 
of  this  petition.  They  thought  that  the  wiser  course 
was  to  do  nothing  to  invite  interference  by  the  English 
Government  with  their  rule  in  the  Colonies.  Governor 
Winthrop  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  says,  that 
it  was  “undertaken  by  ill  advice,  for  such  precedents 
might  endanger  our  liberty,  that  we  should  do  nothing 
but  by  commission  out  of  England.”  The  Puritan 
Colonies  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  did  not  want  their  civil 
or  their  church  policies  disturbed. 

The  Archbishop  was  favorable  to  Winslow’s  petition, 
as  it  was  his  desire  and  purpose  to  send  some  one  to  New 
England  clothed  with  “Episcopal  power  to  disturb  the 
peace  of  ye  churches”  there,  and  “to  overthrow  their 
proceedings  and  further  growth.” 


136 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Winslow  thought  that  his  plans  were  prospering,  but 
his  visit  to  England  proved  to  be  very  disastrous  to  him. 
At  the  hearing  of  his  petition,  before  the  Lord’s  High 
Commissioners,  the  Bishop  began  to  question  him  con¬ 
cerning  the  Church  at  Plymouth.  He  was  accused  of 
teaching,  i.  e. — preaching — publicly  in  the  church;  he 
admitted  that,  as  they  had  no  minister,  “he  did  exercise  his 
gift  to  help  the  edification  of  his  brethren.”  The  further 
charge  was  made  against  him  that  he,  not  being  a  minister, 
performed  the  ceremony  of  marriage ;  he  answered  that  as 
a  Magistrate  he  “had  sometimes  married  some,  **  that 
marriage  was  a  civil  thing,  and  he  found  nowher  in  ye 
word  of  God  that  it  was  tyed  to  ministrie;”  that  he  “had 
been  so  married  himselfe  in  Holland  by  ye  Magistrate  in 
their  Statt-House.” 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  the  inconsistent  position 
taken  by  these  Pilgrim  Fathers.  They  were  on  English 
territory,  and  even  now  Winslow  was  claiming  the  pro¬ 
tection  of  his  Majesty,  whom  they  recognized  as  both 
temporal  and  spiritual  Ruler  of  England  and  the  English 
Colonies,  against  their  “Foraigne  enemies.”  They  knew 
that  under  the  laws  of  England,  marriage  was  more  than 
a  civil  contract;  that  it  had  a  spiritual  significance,  and 
was  a  religious  right  under  the  laws  of  the  Church  and 
State ;  that  only  a  clergyman  could  perform  the  ceremony, 
and  that  the  laws  and  customs  of  Holland  could  have  no 
binding  force,  and  did  not  obtain  in  English  territory. 

Winslow  had  broken  the  laws  of  his  King  and  country. 
He  was  found  guilty  and  was  committed  to  prison, — in 
“ye  Fleete. ’ ’  He  remained  in  prison  over  four  months. 


APPOINTMENT  OF  COMMISSIONERS  137 


Plymouth  Colony  had  been  making  grants  of  land  to 
various  parties  for  settlements  in  the  territory  covered 
by  their  patent.  The  title,  however,  was  retained  by 
William  Bradford.  A  settlement  had  been  made  at 
Scituate,  and  another  bordering  on  “their  neighbors  of 
ye  Massachusetts.”  A  dispute  arose  between  the  Colonists 
under  the  Plymouth  grant,  and  those  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  Colony  as  to  their  boundary  line;  they  desired 
to  avoid  submitting  this  controvresy  to  the  “Commission¬ 
ers  of  Plantations.”  A  commission  was,  therefore, 
appointed,  consisting  of  two  men  from  each  Colony,  to 
settle  this  dispute.  In  1640,  the  Commissioners  made  an 
agreement  fixing  “ye  bounds  betwixte  Plimoth  and  Massa¬ 
chusetts,”  without  the  intervention  of  the  Royal  Com¬ 
missioners  of  Plantations. 

The  country  around  Plymouth  was  barren,  so  that 
both  the  old  settlers  there  as  well  as  “new  comers,” 
located  in  various  parts  of  the  Plymouth  territory.  Set¬ 
tlements  had  been  made  at  Duxbury,  Scituate,  Taunton, 
Sandwich,  Yarmouth,  Barnstable,  Marshfield,  Seacunke, 
afterwards  called  Rehoboth,  and  Nawsett;  but  these 
settlers  had  no  title  to  the  lands  held  by  them ;  they  now 
brought  proceedings  against  William  Bradford,  who  held 
the  title  under  the  patent,  and  obtained  an  order  of 
court,  directing  him  to  convey  to  them  their  respective 
parcels  of  land.  Under  this  order  William  Bradford  made 
deeds  to  the  settlers  to  the  various  tracts  of  land  which 
each  had  bought. 


\ 


Chapter  XXIII 

THE  CONFEDERATION 


BY  the  year  1643,  several  different  “Plantations”  had 
been  established  in  New  England,  viz, — New  Pli- 
moth,  Bay  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New  Haven, 
Maine,  Providence  and  Rhode  Island.  In  this  year,  four 
of  these  Plantations,  i.  e.,  New  Plimoth,  Bay  of  Massa¬ 
chusetts,  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  formed  a  Con¬ 
federation  to  be  called  by  “ye  name  of  the  United  Colonies 
of  New  England.”  This  Confederation  was  “for  offense 
and  defense,”  for  the  preservation  and  propagation  of 
“ye  truth  of  ye  gospel,  and  for  their  own  mutual  saftie 
and  welfare.”  The  Maine,  Providence,  and  Rhode 
Island  Plantations  were  refused  admission  to  this  federa¬ 
tion,  because  their  broader  religious  views  were  not  in 
harmony  with  the  narrow  and  exclusive  theological  opin¬ 
ions  of  the  members  of  the  Confederation. 

The  Articles  of  Confederation  provided,  among  other 
things,  for  the  joint  prosecution  of  war,  whether  offensive 
or  defensive,  the  number  of  soldiers  each  plantation 
should  furnish,  the  sharing  of  the  expense,  and,  also,  for 
a  division  of  the  spoils  of  war,  “whether  it  be  in  lands, 
goods  or  persons  **  among  ye  said  Confederates.” 

The  Confederation  was  to  be  managed  by  two  commis¬ 
sioners  from  each  Plantation,  “being  all  in  Church  fellow- 


139 


140 


THE  PILGRIMS 


ship  with  us."  These  Commissioners  were  given  power 
to  “determine  all  affairs  of  war  or  peace,  and  the  charges 
and  numbers  of  men  for  war,  division  of  spoyles ,  and  what¬ 
ever  is  gotten  by  conquest ,  **  to  frame  and  establish  agree¬ 
ments  and  orders  in  general  cases  of  a  civil  nature"  in 
cases  where  all  Plantations  were  interested;  to  preserve 
peace  amongst  themselves ;  to  determine  how  each 
Plantation  should  conduct  itself  toward  the  Indians, — 
“that  they  neither  grow  insolent,  nor  be  injured  without 
due  satisfaction. 

The  irony  of  providing  in  these  Articles  of  Confedera¬ 
tion,  both  for  the  “preserving  and  propagating  ye  truth 
of  ye  gospel,”  and  for  a  war  of  conquest  and  a  division 
of  the  “spoyles  of  war,”  not  only  of  lands,  goods  and 
property,  but,  also,  of  the  persons  of  prisoners  captured 
did  not  occur  to  these  Pilgrims  and  Puritans.  They  did 
nothing  toward  “propagating  ye  truth  of  ye  gospel.”  On 
the  contrary,  they  divided  between  them,  as  slaves, 
Indians  taken  prisoners  in  war,  and  at  times  sold  these 
Indians  to  the  slave  traders  for  the  Barbadoes. 

The  Commissioners  did  not  confine  themselves  to 
affairs  affecting  the  four  Plantations.  They  assumed 
jurisdiction  over  many  other  matters.  In  disputes  be¬ 
tween  various  Indian  tribes,  they  assumed  the  power  to 
act,  and  make  findings  in  favor  of  one  tribe  against  its 
disputant,  and  to  take  steps  to  enforce  their  decree. 

In  1662,  New  Haven  Colony  was  absorbed  by  Connec¬ 
ticut.  The  Confederacy  of  the  four  Colonies,  viz : — Massa¬ 
chusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and  New  Haven,  now 
ceased  to  function;  though  the  Commissioners  of  the 


THE  CONFEDERATION 


141 


three  Colonies  met  occasionally,  yet  they  accomplished 
nothing.  The  last  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  was 
held  in  1684. 

During  the  existence  of  the  Confederation,  with  the 
exception  of  the  settlement  of  some  boundary  disputes  and 
the  prosecution  of  Indian  Wars,  little  had  been  accom¬ 
plished  for  the  common  good  of  the  Colonies. 


Chapter  XXIV 

DEATH  OP  WILLIAM  BRADFORD,  AND 
DECADENCE  OF  PLYMOUTH  COLONY 

BRADFORD’S  history  of  Plymouth  Colony  ends  with 
the  year  1648.  He  died  in  1657,  at  the  age  of  sixty 
eight  years.  He  was  one  of  the  few  Pilgrim  Fathers  who 
had  any  education.  During  a  period  of  thirty-seven 
years,  he  was  most  prominent  in  all  affairs  of  the  Colony, 
both  civil  and  religious.  He  was  Governor  of  the  Colony 
from  March  1621  to  1649,  except  five  years,  and  he  was 
an  assistant  during  those  five  years.  As  Governor,  he 
was  practically  the  Ruler,  both  of  the  Independent 
Church  and  of  the  civil  government. 

The  right  of  franchise  was  not  dependent  on  member¬ 
ship  in  the  Church,  but  only  freemen  could  vote  and 
only  such  as  Bradford  desired,  were  admitted  to  free- 
manship.  No  person  was  permitted  to  “live  and  inhabit 
within  the  government  of  New  Plymouth  without  the 
leave  or  liking  of  the  Governor  or  two  of  his  assistants 
at  least.”  Bradford  says,  “Touching  our  government, 
**  we  do  not  admit  women  and  children  **  neither  do 
we  admit  any  but  such  as  are  above  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years,  and  they,  also,  but  only  in  some  weighty  matters, 
when  we  think  good.” 

He  was  rigorous  in  the  punishment  of  those  who  were 


143 


144 


THE  PILGRIMS 


undesirable,  or  who  did  not  observe  the  rules  adopted  by 
him  and  his  assistants  for  the  regulation  of  the  Colony, 
both  in  civil  and  religious  matters.  He  knew  no  difference 
between  men  and  women  in  administering  the  laws;  he 
was  equally  severe  in  the  punishment  of  both. 

His  history  does  not  show  that  he  encouraged  or  fos¬ 
tered  education  in  the  Colony,  nor  sought  the  spiritual 
welfare  of  the  people.  He  procured  no  minister  until 
1629,  and  no  church  was  built  until  1648;  no  religious 
service,  except  that  of  the  Separatist  Church,  was 
permitted  in  the  Colony.  His  quotations  from  the  old 
Testament  are  frequent,  and  breathe  a  religious  tone,  but 
the  spirit  of  the  Divine  Master  never  found  lodgement 
in  his  heart.  His  history  is  written  in  a  temperate  and 
almost  a  gentle  spirit,  whether  recording  ordinary  events 
or  happenings  in  the  Colony,  or  reciting  the  massacre  by 
sword  and  fire  of  their  “enemies  the  Pequods,"  and  of 
the  “sweete  sacrifice"  of  “ye  victory." 

He  knew  no  mercy  in  his  treatment  of  the  Indians ;  he 
treated  them  with  military  rigor  and  cruelty,  even  to 
their  enslavement  as  spoils  of  war.  He  sent  an  expedi¬ 
tion,  under  Captain  Miles  Standish,  to  capture  an  Indian 
Chief,  Corbitant,  with  orders  to  cut  off  his  head,  if  they 
found  him  guilty  of  the  charges  against  him.  In  another 
expedition,  Captain  Standish  cut  off  the  head  of  the 
Indian,  Wituwamet,  and  carried  it  to  Plymouth,  where  it 
was  fixed  on  a  pike  on  the  church-fortress,  that  it  might 
be  viewed  by  the  entire  Colony. 

The  Separatists  did  not  permit  religious  services  at  the 
burial  of  their  dead.  Consequently,  there  was  no  burial 


DECADENCE  OF  PLYMOUTH  COLONY  145 


service  for  Bradford.  His  rule  had  been  rather  military  than 
religious,  and  his  funeral  service  was  of  the  same  character. 

The  decadence  of  Plymouth  Colony  became  more  no¬ 
ticeable  after  the  death  of  William  Bradford,  and  in  a 
few  years  passed  out  of  existence  as  a  separate  Colony. 

The  Train  Band  escorted  his  body  to  the  grave,  several 
volleys  were  fired,  and  the  mortal  remains  of  Governor 
Bradford  were  left  to  mingle  with  the  dust  from  whence 
they  came. 

In  1649,  Charles  the  First  was  beheaded,  and  the 
Commonwealth  became  the  ruling  power  in  England  and 
her  Colonies. 

New  Plymouth  was  “unaspiring  and  poor.”  It  was 
deemed  wise,  therefore,  “to  keep  on  good  terms,"  with 
the  ruling  power.  The  Colonists  recognized  the  new 
Commonwealth,  and  in  1652  “kept  a  day  of  thanksgiving" 
for  “Cromwell’s  victory  at  Worcester." 

In  1658,  there  were  eleven  towns  scattered  over  the 
Plymouth  territory,  but  in  all  these  towns  there  were 
only  three  hundred  freemen.  The  result  could  not  have 
been  otherwise,  under  the  narrow  and  selfish  policies  of 
Bradford  and  his  associates.  “No  person  could  become 
an  inhabitant  without  the  permission  of  the  authorities, 
and  the  right  of  expulsion  was  freely  exercised."  Their 
efforts  were  directed,  not  to  the  growth  and  develop¬ 
ment  of  the  Colony,  but  to  the  perpetuation  of  themselves 
as  rulers  of  New  Plymouth." 

The  death  of  Cromwell,  on  September  3, 1658,  succeeded 
by  his  son  in  a  short  reign,  was  followed  by  the  restoration 
of  Charles  the  Second  in  1660. 


146 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  laws  of  Uniformity  were  re-enacted;  In  England 
the  use  of  the  Prayer  Book  was  enforced,  and  every 
minister  was  required  to  consent  thereto. 

In  1665,  Royal  Commissioners  were  sent  to  the  Colonies 
to  investigate  conditions,  settle  disputes,  and  receive 
acknowledgments  of  fealty  to  the  new  King. 

The  Royal  Commissioners  required  of  Plymouth  that 
“all  householders  should  take  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
that  courts  should  be  held  in  the  King’s  name,  that  the 
franchise  should  not  depend  on  religious  opinion,  that  the 
Christian  ordinances  should  be  free  to  all  persons  of 
orthodox  opinions,  competent  knowledge,  and  civil  lives, 
not  scandalous,”  and  that  “all  laws  and  expressions  of 
laws,  derogatory  to  his  Majesty,  should  be  repealed.” 

Plymouth  Colony  had  grown  weak  and  impotent;  it 
promptly  agreed  to  these  conditions,  and  “did  most 
humbly  and  faithfully  submit  and  oblige  themselves  for¬ 
ever  to  his  Majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors.” 

Plymouth  Colony,  under  the  control  of  and  dominated 
by  a  few  men  with  but  very  little  education,  experience 
or  ability,  but  with  all  absorbing  ambition  to  build  up  a 
civil  government,  failed  to  grow  or  prosper,  either  material¬ 
ly  or  religiously.  While  not  a  theocracy,  yet  the  Church 
was  the  nucleus  and  basis  for  an  autocracy  ruled  by  Brad¬ 
ford  for  several  years.  From  the  time  of  the  appointment 
of  five  assistants  to  the  Governor,  until  Plymouth  was 
incorporated  into  Massachusetts,  in  1691,  it  was  an 
oligarchy. 

In  1665,  after  nearly  half  a  century,  there  were  only 
twelve  small  plantations  or  settlements  with  five  thousand 


DECADENCE  OF  PLYMOUTH  COLONY  147 


people  in  the  entire  territory  of  Plymouth  Colony.  The 
most  of  these  had  come  from  the  Massachusetts  Bay  and 
Connecticut  Colonies;  yet  Plymouth  was  the  first  per¬ 
manent  Colony  in  New  England.  At  this  time,  1665, 
even  Connecticut  had  ten  thousand  and  Massachusetts 
Bay  had  twenty-five  thousand  inhabitants. 

Plymouth  had  neither  developed  agriculture,  business 
or  industry;  it  had  not  fostered  education  or  enjoyed 
religious  or  civil  freedom.  It  was  a  failure  as  a  Colony. 


Chapter  XXV 

PLYMOUTH  INCORPORATED  IN  THE 
“PROVINCE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY 
IN  NEW  ENGLAND" 

THROUGH  the  weakness  of  Plymouth  Colony,  it 
outwardly,  at  least,  submitted  to  the  rule  of  Charles 
the  Second.  The  Rulers  made  no  change,  however,  in 
their  civil  or  religious  policies. 

Other  New  England  Colonies,  notably  Massachusetts, 
were  defiant  toward  the  Mother  Country.'  The  Regicides* 
Whalley  and  Goff,  after  the  restoration,  fled  to  Massa¬ 
chusetts,  and  found  refuge  and  protection  under  the 
Puritan  government.  The  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony, 
under  the  leadership  of  strong  and  able  men,  had  grown 
in  industries,  wealth  and  importance.  The  Colony  as¬ 
sumed  the  right  to  rule  independently  of  the  King,  though 
living  under  a  patent  granted  them  by  Charles  the  First. 

Charles  the  Second,  therefore,  determined  to  revoke 
the  charter  of  the  New  England  Colonies.  An  Action 
was  brought  against  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  and 
a  decree  was  entered  in  favor  of  the  Crown  in  1684, 
forfeiting  and  annulling  its  patent. 

Charles  the  Second  died  in  1685,  and  was  succeeded 
by  James  the  Second,  who  adopted  the  policies  of  Charles 
In  pursuance  thereof,  the  King,  in  the  latter  part  of  1686. 


149 


150 


THE  PILGRIMS 


appointed  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Governor,  and  he  came 
to  Boston  “bearing  a  commission  for  the  government  of 
all  New  England.”  The  Colonies  were  consolidated  by 
him  under  the  title  of  “The  Dominion  of  New  England.” 

The  reign  of  James  the  Second  was  very  short.  In 
1688,  he  was  driven  from  the  throne  by  the  English 
Revolution,  and  William  and  Mary  were  made  King  and 
Queen  of  England  in  1689. 

The  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  now  presented  a  peti¬ 
tion  to  William  and  Mary  praying  that  a  charter  be 
granted  the  Colony.  Plymouth  Colony,  having  failed  in 
its  attempt  to  obtain  a  charter  from  the  King,  now  de¬ 
sired  to  be  incorporated  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony. 

In  1691,  the  King  and  Queen  granted  a  charter  uniting 
and  incorporating  therein  the  Colonies  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  Plymouth,  Maine  and  Nova  Scotia  and  some  other 
land,  into  one  province  under  the  name  of  the  “Province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England.”  The  history 
of  Plymouth  Colony  from  this  time  (1691)  was  merged 
in  that  of  Massachusetts. 

This  charter  gave  to  them  all  of  the  rights,  privileges 
and  powers,  including  the  right  of  fanchise,  of  free  British 
subjects.  Under  this  charter  all  of  the  Plymouth  Colonists 
for  the  first  time  in  its  history,  enjoyed  both  religious  and 
civil  liberty.  They  now,  after  nearly  three  quarters  of  a 
century,  possessed  the  same  rights  and  powers  that  the 
Virginia  Colonists  had  enjoyed  since  1619. 

The  charter  provided  for  a  Governor,  Lieutenant 
Governor  and  Secretary,  to  be  appointed  by  the  King, 
and  twenty-eight  counsellors  or  assistants.  The  charter 


PROVINCE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BA  Y  151 


further  provided  for  a  Great  and  General  Assembly  to 
consist  of  the  Governor  and  Council  or  assistants,  and  a 
House  of  Representatives  of  such  freeholders  of  the  Pro¬ 
vince,  as  shall  from  time  to  time,  be  elected  or  deputed 
by  the  major  part  of  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabi¬ 
tants  of  the  respective  towns  or  places,  who  shall  be  present 
at  such  election;  each  of  said  towns  or  places  being  em¬ 
powered  “to  elect  and  depute  two  persons  and  no  more, 
to  serve  for  and  represent  them  respectively  in  the  Great 
and  General  Assembly.”  After  1693,  the  twenty-eight 
counsellors  or  assistants  were  to  be  newly  chosen  each 
year  by  the  General  Court  or  Assembly.  Eighteen 
counsellors  were  to  be  elected  from  the  original  Colony 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  four  from  New  Plymouth,  three 
from  the  Province  of  Maine,  and  one  “at  the  least”  from 
the  territory  between  the  river  of  Sadagehack  and  Nova 
Scotia. 

The  General  Court  or  Assembly  was  given  the  power 
to  make  “laws,  statutes  and  ordinances  **  so  as  the  same 
be  not  repugnant  or  contrary  to  the  laws  **  of  England.” 
The  Governor,  however,  was  given  the  power  of  veto, 
and  no  law  or  act  passed  or  done  by  the  Assembly  was 
to  be  of  any  force  or  effect,  unless  approved  by  the  Govern¬ 
or  in  writing.  All  laws  passed  by  the  Assembly  were  to 
be  reported  to  the  King,  and  the  right  reserved  by  him 
to  reject  or  disallow  any  law.  If,  however,  he  failed  to 
do  so  in  three  years  after  the  same  was  presented  to  him, 
then  such  law  was  to  stand  in  full  force  and  effect. 

This  charter  contained  a  provision  that  is  significant, 
when  we  remember  the  claim  made  for  the  Separatists 


152 


THE  PILGRIMS 


that  they  came  to  the  New  World  to  find  religious  freedom. 
Religious  liberty,  denied  by  the  Pilgrims  and  Puritans, 
was  unknown  in  New  England  until  granted  by  this  char¬ 
ter  in  1691,  by  King  William  and  Queen  Mary,  in  the 
following  language, — “We  do  grant,  establish,  and  ordain, 
that  forever  hereafter  there  shall  be  a  liberty  of  conscience 
allowed  in  the  worship  of  God  to  all  Christians  (except 
papists)  inhabiting,  or  which  shall  inhabit,  or  be  residents 
within  our  said  Province  or  Territory.” 

The  Pilgrims  and  Puritans  had  denied  civil  rights  to 
all  Colonists  except  to  a  chosen  few.  This  charter  pro¬ 
vided  that  every  subject  coming  to  or  inhabiting  the 
territory  and  “their  children  born  there,  or  on  the  seas 
in  going  hither  or  returinng  from  thence,  shall  have  and 
enjoy  all  liberties  and  immunities  of  free  and  natural 
subjects  within  any  of  the  dominions”  of  England. 

Religious  and  civil  liberty,  denied  English  subjects  in 
Plymouth  Colony  under  the  autocratic  and  oligarchic  rule 
of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  was  now  assured  to  them  “forever.” 
Emancipation  came  to  the  Colonists  of  Plymouth  Colony 
through  this  charter  granted  by  the  King  and  Queen  of 
England, — the  Heads  of  the  Established  Church. 


Chapter  XXVI 

PILGRIMS  AND  THE  INDIANS 

ONE  of  the  reasons  given  by  Bradford  for  their  re¬ 
moval  to  the  New  World  was  an  “inward  zeall  **  of 
laying  some  good  foundation  **  for  ye  propagating  and 
advancing  ye  gospel  of  ye  Kingdom  of  Christ  in  those 
remote  parts  of  the  world;”  this  same  thought  was  ex¬ 
pressed  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation  of  the  Colonies. 
Notwithstanding  this  express  purpose,  they  came  bringing 
no  message  of  love,  friendship,  or  peace  to  the  Indians, 
but  a  war  of  subjugation  and  conquest. 

They  had  heard  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  New  World 
were  “cruel,  barbarous  and  most  treacherous,”  who 
delighted  “to  tormente  men  in  ye  most  bloody  manner.’* 
The  Pilgrims,  therefore,  came  prepared,  not  to  convert, 
but  to  subjugate  the  savages.  They  employed  Captain 
Miles  Standish,  a  military  commander,  and  brought  with 
them  armour,  swords,  guns,  cannon  and  ammunition. 
They  came  prepared  for  war. 

For  some  time  after  arriving  at  Plymouth,  they  saw 
but  few  Indians,  and  these  fled  at  the  approach  of  the 
white  men.  On  account  of  an  epidemic,  they  learned 
that  many  Indians  had  died,  and  Plymouth  and  the 
country  around  had  been  deserted  by  them.  In  December, 
1620,  while  a  party,  fully  armed  with  cutlass,  armour  and 


153 


154 


THE  PILGRIMS 


guns,  was  exploring  the  coast  the  Indians  attacked  them 
with  arrows;  a  volley  from  the  guns  of  the  Pilgrims 
“quickly  stopped  their  violence;”  one  valiant  Indian 
stood  behind  a  tree  and  “let  his  arrows  flie  at  them,” 
but  without  hurting  anyone;  a  shot,  however,  from  a 
musket,  which  splintered  the  bark  of  a  tree,  dislodged 
him,  after  which  they  “went  away.”  It  was  afterward 
learned  that  this  attack  was  by  Indians  belonging  to  a 
tribe  that  had  been  wronged  by  Englishmen  a  few  years 
before.  In  1614,  Captain  Hunt,  the  master  of  one  of 
the  ships  of  Captain  John  Smith,  then  engaged  in  ex¬ 
ploring  the  coast,  had  kidnapped  several  Indians,  taken 
them  to  Spain  and  sold  them  as  slaves. 

About  the  middle  of  March,  an  Indian  “came  bouldly 
amongst  them;”  he  could  talk  broken  English,  which  he 
had  learned  from  some  English  fishing  parties  on  the 
coast;  his  name  was  Samoset;  he  was  friendly,  and  gave 
the  settlers  much  valuable  information.  He  departed, 
but  soon  came  again  with  five  more  Indians.  At  this 
visit,  the  way  was  prepared  for  the  coming  of  their  “great 
Sachem,  Massasoit.”  Four  or  five  days  later,  Massasoit 
with  a  body  of  attendants  came  to  Plymouth;  with  them 
was  an  Indian,  called  by  Bradford,  Squanto;  he  was  one 
of  the  Indians  that  had  been  kidnapped  by  Captain 
Hunt  and  taken  to  England.  During  his  captivity,  he 
had  learned  to  speak  English,  and  now  acted  as  interpreter 
at  this  meeting  between  the  English  and  Massasoit. 

“After  friendly  entertainment,  and  some  gifts  given 
them,”  the  Governor  made  a  treaty  of  peace  with  this 
Indian  Chief.  By  this  treaty  it  was  agreed  by  Massasoit: 


PILGRIMS  AND  INDIANS 


155 


1.  “That  neither  he,  nor  any  of  his  should  injure 
nor  hurt”  any  of  the  English. 

2.  That  if  they  did,  the  offender  should  be  sent  to 
the  English  for  punishment. 

3.  That  if  the  Indians  stole  anything  from  the 
English,  it  should  be  restored  to  them,  and  they,  the 
English  would  do  likewise. 

4.  If  any  unjust  war  should  be  made  against 
Massasoit,  they  would  aid  him,  and  if  any  should  war 
against  the  English,  he  should  aid  them. 

5.  That  he  would  send  notice  of  this  treaty  of  peace 
to  the  neighboring  tribes,  that  they  might,  also,  make 
treaties  of  peace  with  the  English. 

6.  That  when  the  Indians  came  to  them,  they  would 
leave  their  “bowes  and  arrows”  behind. 

Massasoit  faithfully  kept  his  covenant  of  peace  with 

the  English  settlers  until  his  death — a  period  of  forty 
years. 

Squanto  was  a  faithful  and  invaluable  friend  to  the 
Plymouth  Colonists;  he  instructed  them  in  the  planting 
and  raising  of  corn  and  was  their  guide,  interpreter  and 
messenger  to  the  Indians.  He  died  in  September  1622, 
while  acting  as  guide  and  interpreter  for  Captain  Standish 
and  a  party  of  men  who  were  sent  on  a  mission  to  buy 
corn  from  the  Indians. 

The  Colonists  invited  Massasoit  and  his  tribe  to  the 
first  Thanksgiving  feast  in  the  New  World  in  1621.  Nine¬ 
ty  Indians  came  to  this  feast  and  remained  for  three 
days,  spending  the  time  in  feasting,  outdoor  sports, 
“singing  and  dancing.” 


156 


THE  PILGRIMS 


In  1621,  the  Narragansetts  sent  a  messenger  to  the 
Colonists  with  a  bundle  of  arrows  tied  about  with  a 
great  snake  skin;  this  was  interpreted  as  a  challenge  and 
threat  of  war.  The  Governor  sent  back  the  snake  skin 
with  bullets  in  it.  He,  also,  sent  “them  a  round  answer, 
that  if  they  had  rather  have  warre  than  peace”  they 
could  have  it. 

An  Indian,  called  Hobamack,  came  to  live  with  them; 
he  was  ever  faithful  and  constant  “to  ye  English  till  he 
died.”  Squanto  and  Hobamack  were  sent  on  business  for 
the  Colony  to  the  Indians.  An  Indian  Sachem,  Corbi- 
tant,  attempted  to  stab  Hobamack,  who  escaped,  and 
reported  to  the  Governor  that  he  feared  Squanto  had  been 
killed.  The  Governor  then  sent  Captain  Standish  and 
fourteen  men,  well  armed,  against  the  Indians,  with 
instructions  that,  if  they  found  Squanto  had  been  killed, 
they  should  cut  off  Corbitant’s  head.  They  found  Squanto 
alive,  but  three  Indians  were  wounded,  while  they  were 
trying  to  escape  from  the  Englishmen. 

The  next  act  of  cruelty  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  to  the 
Indians  arose  under  the  following  circumstances, — Thomas 
Weston  in  1622,  had  established  a  Colony  at  Wessa- 
gussett  on  Massachusetts  Bay.  They  were  improvident, 
and  soon  fell  into  dire  necessity  for  food.  They  had 
wronged  the  Indians  by  stealing  their  corn.  Bradford 
says,  that  they  “fell  to  plaine  stealing  both  by  day  and 
night  from  the  Indians.”  These,  with  other  wrongs,  so 
incensed  the  Indians  that  they  entered  into  a  conspiracy 
to  “cut  off  Mr.  Weston’s  people  for  the  continual  injuries 
which  they  did  them.”  A  messenger  now  came  from 


PILGRIMS  AND  INDIANS 


157 


Weston’s  men  to  Plymouth,  and  reported  their  condition 
and  their  danger.  Captain  Standish  and  some  men  were 
sent  to  the  relief  of  Weston’s  men,  whom  they  found  in  a 
“miserable  condition  out  of  which  he  rescued  them,”  and 
“cut  off  some  few  of  ye  chief  conspirators.” 

Captain  John  Smith  adds  some  facts  about  this  relief 
expedition  omitted  by  Bradford.  Smith  says,  that  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers  “appointed  Standish  with  eight  chosen 
men,  under  color  of  trade”  to  catch  the  Indians  in  their 
own  trap.  The  savages  suspected  that  their  plot  against 
Weston’s  men  was  discovered,  and  Pecksniff,  one  of  the 
chief  conspirators,  came  to  Hobamack,  the  friendly 
Indian  who  was  with  Standish,  and  said  to  him,  “tell 
Standish  we  know  he  is  come  to  kill  us,  but  let  him  begin 
when  he  dare.”  Pecksniff  and  another  chief  conspirator, 
Wittuwamet,  were  insolent  and  threatening.  Finally, 
Captain  Standish  with  his  company  about  him,  suc¬ 
ceeding  in  getting  Pecksniff,  Wittuwamet  and  two  other 
Indians  in  a  room,  where  they  murdered  Pecksniff, 
Wittuwamett  and  the  two  other  Indians;  they,  also,  hung  a 
youth — a  brother  of  Wittuwamett — and  the  next  day  slew 
three  other  Indians.  The  Indians  were  so  terrified  by 
Standish  and  his  men,  that  they  left  their  habitations 
and  fled  to  the  swamps,  where  many  died  from  “cold  and 
infinite  diseases.”  Captain  Standish  cut  off  the  head  of 
Wittuwamett,  carried  it  to  Plymouth,  and  fixed  this 
“ghastly  trophy  of  conquest”  on  a  pole  on  the  fort. 

Evidently,  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  did  not  send  to  Holland 
an  account  of  the  murder  of  these  Indians  by  Captain 
Standish  and  his  Company.  Pastor  Robinson  heard  of 


158 


THE  PILGRIMS 


these  murders  from  others;  when  he  heard  of  it  “at  first 
by  report  and  since  by  more  certain  relation,”  he  wrote 
Governor  Bradford  a  letter  deploring  and  condemning  it 
saying, — “Concerning  ye  killing  of  these  poor  Indians 
**  Oh,  How  happy  had  it  been  if  you  had  converted  some 
before  you  had  killed  any,  **  besides  where  blud  is  once 
begun  to  shed,  it  is  seldom  stanched  for  a  long  time.” 
He,  also,  adds  a  word  concerning  Captain  Standish,  who 
had  been  trained  in  the  Low  Countries  in  the  barbarous 
methods  and  cruelties  of  the  war  with  Spain;  he  says, 
“there  may  be  wanting  that  tenderness  of  ye  life  of  man 
**  which  is  meete.  ****  It  is,  also,  a  thing  more  glorious 
in  men’s  eyes,  than  pleasing  in  God’s  o'  convenient  for 
Christians,  to  be  a  terror  to  poore  barbarous  people.” 

The  threatening  attitude  of  the  Indians  toward  Weston’s 
men  had  been  provoked  and  invited  by  the  injuries 
they  had  received  from  them.  The  inhuman  and  bar¬ 
barous  treatment  and  murder  of  these  Indians  by  Standish 
and  his  armed  men  under  color  of  trading,  and  the  terror 
which  they  inspired  that  drove  their  families  to  the 
swamp  to  die  of  cold  and  disease  was  without  justification. 
Terrorizing  the  Indians  was  the  policy  of  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers. 

In  1634,  an  epidemic  of  small-pox  broke  out  among  the 
Indian  tribes,  living  on  the  Connecticut  river  north  of 
the  trading  post  of  Plymouth  Colony,  from  which  one 
half  of  the  members  of  one  tribe,  and  great  numbers  of 
other  tribes,  died. 

The  English  settlers  in  New  England  had  their  first 
Indian  war  in  1637.  This  war  was  with  the  Pequods;  it 


PILGRIMS  AND  INDIANS 


159 


was  provoked  by  the  ill  treatment  of  the  Indians  by  Eng¬ 
lishmen.  The  Pequod  tribe  lived  in  Connecticut  territory 
on  the  Connecticut  river  at  a  great  distance,  and  separated 
from  Plymouth  territory  by  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
Colony. 

The  first  difficulty  with  this  tribe  grew  out  of  the  killing 
of  Captain  Stone  by  them  in  1624.  Captain  Stone,  a 
disreputable  fellow,  sailing  the  seas  from  the  West  Indies 
to  New  England  in  quest  of  adventure  and  conquest 
was  equally  ready  to  steal  a  ship  and  property,  or  commit 
murder. 

In  1634,  Captain  Stone,  with  a  company  sailed  up  the 
Connecticut  river.  Bradford  says,  “I  know  not  for  what 
occasion  **  nor  how  he  carried”  himself  toward  the 
Indians,  but  the  Indians  knocked  him  in  the  head  and 
killed  the  rest  of  his  Company.  The  Indians  claimed  that 
Captain  Stone  surprised  and  seized  two  of  their  men  and 
“bound  them,”  and  nine  Indians  watched  them,  and 
killed  Stone  and  his  company  while  they  were  asleep,  in 
order  to  rescue  the  Indians  from  Stone. 

These  Indians  soon  quarreled  with  the  Dutch,  who 
lived  near  them;  in  this  quarrel  the  Dutch  “slew  the 
chief  Sachem.”  They  had,  also,  quarreled  with  the 
Narragansetts,  a  tribe  “bordering  on  them.”  The 
Pequods  knowing  they  had  killed  an  Englishman,  Captain 
Stone,  had  quarreled  with  the  Dutch  and  with  their 
neighboring  tribe,  the  Narragansetts,  now  sought  the 
friendship  of  the  English  of  Massachusetts.  To  that  end, 
they  sent  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  gifts  of  wampum, 
and  beaver. 


160 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Governor  Winthrop,  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony, 
now  “concluded  a  peace  and  friendship  with  them,  upon 
these  conditions, — that  they  should  deliver  up  to  us  those 
men  who  were  guilty  of  Stone’s  death.  And  if  we  desired 
to  plant  in  Connecticut,  they  should  give  up  their  right 
to  us,  and  so  we  would  send  to  trade  with  them  as  our 
friends.”  Winthrop  adds,  that  this  trade  “ was  ye  cheefe 
thing  we  aimed  at.”  To  these  conditions  the  Indians 
readily  agreed,  asking,  however,  “that  we  should  mediate 
a  peace  between  them  and  the  Narragansetts.” 

In  1636,  John  Oldham,  an  inhabitant  of  Massachusetts, 
while  on  a  trading  expedition  to  the  Indians,  quarreled 
with  them  and  was  killed.  Oldham’s  murderers  fled  to  the 
Pequods  who  refused  to  surrender  them  to  the  English. 
Governor  Vane,  of  Massachusetts,  now  sent  Mr.  Endicott 
with  a  party  of  ninety  men  to  demand  satisfaction  of  the 
Pequods  for  the  murder  of  Oldham  and  four  other  traders. 
This  was  Endicott 's  first  mission  of  this  kind;  he  fell 
upon  the  Indians,  killed  some  of  them,  and  burned  their 
wigwams;  this  only  embittered  the  Indians;  it  meant 
war.  The  Indians  retaliated  by  assaulting,  killing  and 
mutilating  some,  and  burning  buildings  and  killing 
cattle.  A  band  of  Pequods  attacked  Wethersfield,  “killed 
seven  men,  a  woman  and  child,  and  carried  away  two 
girls.”  The  Pequods  now  attempted  to  induce  the 
Narragansetts  to  join  them  in  their  war  against  the  Eng¬ 
lish.  Through  the  good  influences,  however,  of  Roger 
Williams,  the  Narragansetts  refused  to  enter  the  war. 

The  distressed  Colonists  in  Connecticut,  now  appealed 
to  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  for  aid.  Massachusetts 


PILGRIMS  AND  INDIANS 


161 


dispatched  a  force  of  twenty  men  under  Captain  John 
Underhill,  who  arrived  in  time  to  assist  in  the  attack  on 
the  Indians.  Plymouth  agreed  to  send  fifty  men,  but 
before  they  were  ready  to  march,  news  was  received  of 
the  defeat  of  the  Indians.  The  men  from  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut  surrounded  the  fort  of  the  Pequods,  and 
entered  the  fort  through  openings  in  the  palisades  in  the 
night;  the  Indians  were  surprised  and  taken  unaware; 
the  English  set  fire  to  the  wigwams  and  burned  many 
men,  women  and  children  alive.  Bradford  says,  “that 
more  were  burned  to  death  than  was  otherwise  slain.” 
Those  that  escaped  the  fire  were  slain  with  the  sword, 
“some  hewed  to  pieces,  others  run  through  with  their 
rapiers.  It  was  a  fearful  sight  to  see  them  thus  frying 
in  ye  fire,  and  ye  streams  of  blood  quenching  ye  same. 
But  ye  victory  seemed  a  sweete  sacrifice,  and  they  gave 
the  prays  to  God.”  About  four  hundred  Indians  were 
slain. 

The  next  day,  another  body  of  about  three  hundred 
Pequods  approached  from  another  fort.  On  discovering 
the  English  they  retreated,  and  being  pursued,  fled  and 
took  refuge  in  a  swamp.  The  English  hunted  them 
down  and  killed  all  of  them,  except  some  women  and 
children  whom  they  captured. 

These  prisoners  were  regarded  as  spoils  of  war.  Some 
were  sold  as  slaves  to  their  ancient  enemies, — the  Mohicans 
and  Narragansett  tribes,  and  some  were  distributed 
among  the  English  Colonists;  the  women  and  maid 
children  were  “disposed  about  in  ye  town,”  and  the  “male 
children  to  Bermuda.”  The  wife  and  children  of  Mono- 


162 


THE  PILGRIMS 


notti,  a  Sachem,  were  among  the  prisoners.  She  was  a 
“woman  of  a  very  modest  countenance  and  behavior. 
One  of  her  requests  was,  that  the  English  would  not 
abuse  her  body,  and  that  her  children  might  not  be  taken 
from  her.” 

This  was  a  short  but  bloody  war.  “There  had  been 
slaine  and  taken  prisoner  in  all  about  700.”  But  few 
escaped.  Through  a  most  inhuman  and  blood  thirsty 
cruelty,  seldom,  if  ever,  equalled  by  savages,  the  Pequod 
tribe  became  extinct,  and  Connecticut  took  possession  of 
their  lands. 

In  1643,  the  English  had  a  difficulty  with  the  Indians, 
which  came  near  involving  them  in  another  Indian  war. 
This  grew  out  of  an  assumption  on  the  part  of  the  Com¬ 
missioners  of  the  Confederated  Colonies,  that  they  had 
the  right  to  settle  disputes  between  the  Indian  tribes. 

The  Narragansetts  and  the  Mohicans  had  been  allies 
of  the  Colonies  in  the  Pequod  war.  The  Narragansetts, 
having  a  difficulty  with  the  Mohicans,  their  Chief, 
Miantinomo,  sought  the  death  of  Uncass,  Chief  of  the 
Mohicans,  by  hiring  someone  “to  kill  him.”  Failing  in 
this,  the  Narragansetts  with  an  army  of  nine  hundred 
men,  suddenly,  fell  upon  the  Mohicans.  The  Narragan¬ 
setts  were  defeated  in  battle,  and  their  Chief,  Miantinomo, 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Mohicans.  Uncass  then  sought 
the  advice  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Confederated 
Colonies  as  to  putting  Miantinomo  to  death.  The  Com¬ 
missioners  decided  that  since  Uncass  “could  not  be  safe 
whilst  Miantinomo  lived,”  that  “he,  Uncass,  might 
justly  put  such  a  false  and  blood  thirstie  enemie  to  death.” 


PILGRIMS  AND  INDIANS 


163 


Their  judgment  carried  with  it  a  recommendation  that 
his  execution  should  not  be  one  of  “torture  and  cruelty’  * 
as  practiced  by  the  Indians.  Uncass  thereupon  executed 
his  enemy  “in  a  very  fair  manner  **  with  due  respect  to 
his  honor  and  greatness.” 

This  execution  of  the  Chief  on  the  advice  of  the  English, 
even  though  he  was  sent  to  his  death  in  a  royal  manner, 
did  not  bring  peace,  either  between  the  Indian  tribes,  or 
to  the  English;  on  the  contrary,  the  Narragansetts  became 
bitter  enemies  of  the  English,  whom  they  regarded  as 
responsible  for  the  death  of  their  Chief. 

The  next  year,  the  Narragansetts  became  threatening 
and  hostile,  and  murdered  several  English  settlers  in  the 
Connecticut  plantation.  They  next  fell  upon  the  Mohicans 
and  slew  some  of  them.  Uncass  appealed  to  the  English 
for  protection.  Again  the  Commissioners  assumed  juris¬ 
diction  to  hear  and  settle  disputes  between  these  Indian 
tribes;  they  summoned  the  “Sagamores,”  both  of  the 
Mohicans  and  Narragansetts,  to  appear  for  a  trial  of  their 
disputes  before  the  Commissioners.  Both  tribes  responded 
to  the  summons,  and  sent  their  Sachems  to  appear  before 
the  Commissioners  for  trial;  the  Commissioners  again 
found  the  issues  in  favor  of  their  friend,  Uncass. 

The  Narragansetts  only  partially  accepted  the  verdict. 
They  agreed  for  themselves  and  the  Nyanticks  “that  no 
hostile  acts  should  be  committed  upon  Uncass  or  any  of 
his  tribes,  until  after  ye  next  planting  of  corn,”  and  that 
they  would  “give  30  days  warning  to  ye  Governor  of 
Massachusetts  or  Connecticut.”  Uncass,  also,  agreed  to 
observe  the  same  terms  of  peace  with  the  Narragansetts. 


164 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Neither  of  the  tribes  kept  this  agreement.  In  1645,  what 
Bradford  calls  “underhand  assaults  were  made  on  both 
sides;”  the  Narragansetts  then  “gathered  a  great  power 
and  fell  upon  Uncass,”  killing  and  wounding  many  of 
his  tribe.  The  English  came  to  the  aid  of  Uncass  and 
saved  his  tribe  from  extermination. 

The  Commissioners  then  sent  messengers  to  the  Narra¬ 
gansetts  and  Uncass  to  command  them  to  come,  or  send 
persons  to  explain  to  the  Commissioners  their  conduct 
in  not  observing  the  terms  of  the  peace  agreement;  further, 
that  if  the  Narragansetts  refused  or  delayed,  the  English 
would  send  a  force  to  defend  Uncass.  This  hostile  message 
from  the  English  produced  the  usual  result.  In  response, 
the  Narragansetts  returned  a  threatening  message;  the 
Commissioners  were  warned  that  the  Narragansetts  and 
other  Indian  tribes  were  preparing,  and  that  “war  would 
presently  break  forth  and  the  whole  country  would  be 
all  aflame.” 

The  Commissioners,  thereupon,  proceeded  to  raise  three 
hundred  men  from  the  four  Confederated  Colonies  to 
send  against  the  Indians.  The  Narragansetts,  hearing  of 
this,  again  fell  upon  Uncass  and  “gave  him  another  blow;” 
they  said  “  they  were  resolved  to  have  no  peace  without 
Uncass  head;”  that  unless  the  English  would  “withdraw 
their  garrison  from  Uncass,  that  they  would  procure  the 
help  of  the  Mohawks;  that  they  would  lay  ye  English 
cattle  on  heaps  as  high  as  their  houses,  and  that  no  Eng¬ 
lishman  should  stir  out  of  his  door,  but  he  should  be 
killed.”  The  English  again  sent  messengers  to  the  Narra¬ 
gansetts  with  instructions,  to  say,  that  if  they  would 


PILGRIMS  AND  INDIANS 


165 


make  reparation  for  the  past  and  give  good  security  for 
the  future,  the  English  would  be  “as  tender  of  ye  Narra¬ 
gansetts’  blood  as  ever;”  but,  “that  if  they  would  have 
nothing  but  war,  the  English  are  providing  and  will 
proceed  accordingly.”  Within  a  few  days  the  principal 
Sachems  of  the  Narragansetts  with  a  large  train  of  men, 
came  to  Boston. 

Another  treaty  of  peace  was  made  between  the  Indian 
tribes  and  the  Commissioners.  This  treaty  provided, 
among  other  things,  that  the  Narragansetts  should  pay  to 
the  Commissioners,  in  satisfaction  of  the  expenses  of  the 
war,  “2000  fathome  of  good  white  wampum,  payable  in 
installments,  the  whole  to  be  paid  within  two  years;” 
that  all  “captives,  men,  women  and  children,”  taken, 
either  by  the  Narragansetts  and  Nyantics,  or  by  Uncass, 
should  be  restored  to  their  respective  tribes;  that  the 
Narragansetts  and  Nyantics  should  “keep  and  maintain 
a  firm  and  perpetual  peace,  both  with  the  English  Colonies, 
with  Uncass  and  all  other  Indian  tribes  friendly  to  or 
subject  to  ye  English ;”  that  the  Narragansetts  and 
Nyantics  would  not  “give,  grant,  sell  or  in  any  manner 
alienate  any  part  of  their  country,  nor  any  parcel  of  land 
either  to  any  of  ye  English  or  other,  without  consent  or 
allowance  of  ye  Commissioners .” 

There  is  no  justification  for  this  treatment  of  the  Narra¬ 
gansetts  by  the  Pilgrims  and  Puritans.  They  assumed 
the  right  to  interfere  in  the  quarrels  between  Mianto- 
nomo,  the  Narragansett  Chief,  and  Uncass;  they  espoused 
the  cause  of  Uncass,  and  sent  the  Narragansett  Chief  to 
his  death;  although  both  tribes  had  agreed  to  keep  the 


166 


THE  PILGRIMS 


peace,  yet  Uncass  and  the  Narragansetts  were  equally 
guilty  of  making  “underhand’  ’  assaults  on  each  other. 
Uncass,  when  defeated  by  the  Narragansetts,  always 
appealed  to  the  English,  who,  invariaby,  came  to  his 
relief.  There  could  have  been  but  one  result, — the  threat 
of  war  upon  the  English  settlers  by  the  Narragansetts. 
When  the  army  of  300  men,  armed  with  guns  and  swords, 
was  ready  to  march  against  the  Indians,  armed  only 
with  bows  and  arrows,  the  Narragansetts,  remembering 
the  cruel  fate  of  the  Pequods,  made  this  treaty  of  peace. 
The  English  though  the  aggressors,  forced  this  treaty  by 
which  the  Indians  agreed,  not  only  to  pay  the  cost  of 
preparation  of  war  by  the  English,  but,  also,  surrendered 
to  the  English  the  control  of  their  lands. 

The  English,  for  nearly  fifty  years,  pursued  the  policy 
of  subjugation,  and  maintained  their  supremacy  over  the 
Indians  by  force  of  arms.  But  the  untutored  savage  did 
not  forget.  Under  King  Philip,  they  visited  upon  the 
English  settlers  terrific  punishment  for  the  wrongs  of  half 
a  century. 


Chapter  XXVII 

KING  PHILIP’S  WAR 

MASSASOIT  died  in  1662.  He  remained  faithful 
until  his  death  to  the  treaty  made  in  1621,  with 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers. 

Massasoit’s  tribe  lived  in  the  southwestern  part  of  the 
territory  covered  by  the  last  patent  granted  to  Plymouth; 
the  Colony,  therefore,  claimed  that  his  tribe  were  subjects 
of  the  Colony,  and  exercised  over  them  all  the  powers  of 
rulers  over  subjects. 

Massasoit  left  two  sons  surviving  him — Alexander  and 
Philip.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Alexander.  After 
the  death  of  his  father,  reports  came  that  Alexander  was 
plotting  against  the  Colony.  The  Governor  ordered  his 
arrest,  and  that  he  be  brought  before  the  Court  at  Ply¬ 
mouth  to  answer  the  charge.  Alexander  cleared  himself 
of  the  charge,  and,  either  before,  or  just  after  leaving 
Plymouth,  became  ill,  and  died  before  reaching  home. 
“The  Indians  suspected  that  he  had  been  poisoned.” 

Philip,  on  the  death  of  his  brother,  Alexander,  became 
Chief  of  the  tribe.  For  more  than  twelve  years,  he  kept 
peace  with  the  Colony,  though  from  time  to  time  there 
were  rumors  of  disaffection  on  his  part.  He  had  many 
just  causes  of  complaint  against  the  Colonists;  he  felt, 
especially,  bitter,  because  of  the  unjust  arrest  and  death 


167 


168 


THE  PILGRIMS 


of  his  brother  under  suspicious  circumstances.  The  Eng¬ 
lish  persistently  encroached  upon  the  land  of  the  tribe, 
and  they  were  being  constantly  confined  within  narrower 
limits.  “Of  all  their  ancient  domain,  Massasoit’s  tribe 
of  Indians,  the  Wampanoags,  had  nothing  left,  but  the 
two  narrow  peninsulas  of  Bristol  and  Taunton  on  the 
eastern  coast  of  Narragansett  Bay.”  Philip’s  people  were 
hedged  in  by  the  sea  on  the  east  and  south,  and  by  other 
tribes  on  the  north  and  west.  There  was  no  land  adjoining 
to  which  they  could  farther  retreat.  The  Plymouth 
Colonists  had  taken  possession  of  land  which  was  needed 
for  the  support  of  Philip’s  people. 

It  has  been  said,  with  truth,  that  the  Indians  did  not 
own  all  the  land  in  the  New  World;  that  there  was  a 
surplus,  and  the  English  had  the  right  to  possess  them¬ 
selves  of  it.  But  the  fact  remains,  that  the  English 
subjugated  and  drove  Massasoit’s  tribe  from  the  land 
which  they  had  possessed  from  time  immemorial,  and 
which  they  needed  for  their  support .  Nor  can  it  be  claimed 
that  the  Pilgrims  needed  King  Philip’s  land  for  the  set¬ 
tlers  of  Plymouth  Colony;  the  territory  covered  by  their 
patent  was  a  large  one,  and  the  number  of  settlers  in 
Plymouth  Colony  were  too  few  to  justify  such  a  contention. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  restrictive  and  oppressive 
laws  of  the  Colonial  governments  concerning  the  rights 
and  lands  of  the  Indians.  In  1643,  Plymouth  Court  made 
an  order,  providing  that  “no  person  should  purchase, 
rent  or  hire  any  land,  herbage,  wood  or  timber  of  the 
Indians  but  by  the  Magistrate’s  consent.”  In  the  Massa¬ 
chusetts  Bay  Colony,  a  law  was  enacted, — “that  no 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR 


169 


person,  whatsoever,  shall  henceforth  buy  land  of  any 
Indian  without  license  first  had  and  obtained  of  the 
General  Court.”  Another  one  provided,  that  no  foreigner 
was  permitted  to  “ trade  with  any  Indian  within  the  limits 
of  our  jurisdiction .” 

It  has  been  said,  that  these  laws  were  enacted  to  protect 
the  ignorant  Indian  from  designing  and  unprincipled 
men.  That  the  motive  of  the  English,  however,  was 
purely  selfish  is  shown  by  the  following  enactment  in 
1657.  “And  because  the  trade  of  furs  with  the  Indians  in 
this  jurisdiction  doth  properly  belong  to  the  Commonwealth , 
and  not  to  any  particular  person, — It  is  ordered  that  no 
person  **  shall  trade  for  any  sort  of  peltry,  except  such 
as  are  authorized  by  this  Court.”  Laws  were,  also’ 
enacted  in  Plymouth,  prohibiting  any  one  from  selling 
barques,  boats  and  horses  to  the  Indians;  that  the  Indians 
should  not  engage  in  working,  fishing,  fowling,  planting, 
killing  or  carrying  burdens  on  the  Lord’s  Day.  King 
Philip  could  not  even  buy  a  horse  without  first  obtaining 
the  consent  of  the  Plymouth  Court.  The  following  is 
from  the  Plymouth  Colony  record  for  1665, — “Upon  the 
earnest  request  of  Philip,  the  Indian  Sachem  of  Poca- 
nocutt,  for  to  have  liberty  to  buy  a  horse  within  our 
jurisdiction,  the  Court  have  bestowed  a  horse  on  him,  as 
judging  it  meeter  than  to  give  him  liberty  to  buy  one.” 

Philip  was  a  man  of  superior  intelligence,  brave,  though 
not  rash.  He  knew  that,  as  the  English  had  grown 
strong,  his  tribe  had  become  weak;  that  with  their  fire 
arms,  war  meant  extermination  of  his  tribe.  King  Philip’s 
war  was  the  result  of  their  accumulated  wrongs  of  many 


170 


THE  PILGRIMS 


years,  which  culminated  in  July  1675,  by  an  Indian 
attack  on  the  village  of  Swanzea.  Other  Indian  tribes 
joined  in  the  uprising.  For  more  than  a  year,  the  Indians 
terrorized,  killed  and  tortured  the  settlers,  captured  and 
carried  into  captivity  their  women  and  children,  burned 
their  houses  and  destroyed  cattle  and  property. 

The  English  Colonists  carried  war  into  the  Indian 
country.  Nor  were  they  less  merciless  in  savagery  than 
the  Indians.  At  one  place  the  Wampanoags,  sometimes 
called  the  Pocanokets,  and  the  Narragansetts  had  built 
a  fort  on  an  island.  There  were  3000  Indians  in  this  fort, 
including  old  men,  women,  children  and  warriors.  The 
English  attacked  them,  took  the  fort,  set  fire  to  the  wig¬ 
wams,  and  burned  to  death  the  wounded,  old  men, 
women  and  children,  and  killed  1000  warriors. 

A  few  of  the  Indians,  led  by  Philip,  escaped,  and  in  the 
following  Spring  again  renewed  the  war;  they,  again, 
devastated  the  settlements  and  massacred  the  settlers. 
They  were  only  the  remnant  of  a  once  powerful  tribe, 
and  were  soon  beaten  by  the  soldiers  of  the  Colony. 
Philip  was  killed,  and  his  wife  and  son  taken  captive; 
they  were  brought  to  Plymouth,  and  their  fate  submitted 
to  the  ministers.  In  accordance  with  the  decree  of  the 
Reverend  Judges,  they  were  sold  as  slaves.  “Philip’s 
son  ended  his  life  under  the  lash  of  a  task-master  in  the 
Bermudas.” 

Very  different  was  the  treatment  of  the  women  and 
children  of  the  settlers  captured  by  the  Indians.  The 
story  is  told  of  the  capture  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson,  the  wife 
of  the  minister  of  Lancaster,  and  her  son  and  two  daughters . 


KING  PHILIP'S  WAR 


171 


Their  sufferings,  from  cold,  hunger  and  constant 
wandering,  were  intense.  The  Indians  were  not  able  to 
give  them  either  food  or  shelter,  for  they  were  constantly 
pursued  by  the  Colonial  soldiers.  Negotiations  were 
opened  for  the  release  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson  and  her  children 
on  payment  of  a  ransom.  It  is  said,  that  “ Philip  told  her 
of  this,  and  hoped  that  they  would  succeed.  When  her 
ransom  arrived  he  met  her  with  a  smile  saying, — I  have 
pleasant  "words  for  you  this  morning ;  will  you  like  to  hear 
them?  You  are  to  go  home  tomorrow.”  Another  writer 
says,  “Such  was  the  goodness  of  God  to  these  poor  cap¬ 
tive  women  and  children  that  they  found  so  much  favor 
in  the  sight  of  their  enemies  that  they  offered  no  wrong  to 
any  of  their  persons,  save  what  they  could  not  help, 
being  in  many  wants  themselves.  Neither  did  they  offer 
to  any  of  the  females,  nor  even  attempt  the  chastity  of 
any  of  them.” 

During  this  war  six  hundred  English  either  fell  in 
battle  or  were  murdered  by  the  Indians;  thirteen  towns 
and  six  hundred  dwellings  were  burned;  the  cost  of  the 
war  was  one  hundred  thousand  pounds.  The  war  was 
continued  in  Maine  for  a  time,  but  finally  terminated  in 
April  1678.  Plymouth  Colony  was  almost  ruined  by  the 
destruction  of  its  farms  and  homes,  the  murder  of  the 
people,  and  the  great  expense  of  carrying  on  this  Indian 
War. 

The  English  suffered  terrible  retribution  for  the  accu¬ 
mulated  wrongs,  which  they  had  inflicted  upon  the  Indians 
for  half  a  century. 


Chapter  XXVIII 

THE  RELIGIOUS  LIFE  OF  PLYMOUTH  COLONY 


THE  immoralities  and  low  vices  of  the  Plymouth 
Colonists  are  difficult  to  reconcile  with  the  claims 
that  they  were  a  deeply  religious  people.  Certain  it  is, 
that  Bradford,  save  for  stereotyped  expressions  and 
quotations  from  the  Old  Testament,  presents  no  picture 
of  a  religious  life  among  them. 

Henry  Van  Dyke  says,  that  “while  Massachusetts  was 
a  religious  Colony  with  commercial  tendencies,  New 
Amsterdam  was  a  commercial  Colony  with  religious 
principles.  The  Virginia  Parson  prayed  by  the  book,  and 
the  Pennsylvania  Quaker  made  silence  the  most  important 
part  of  his  ritual,  but  alike  on  the  banks  of  the  James  and 
on  the  shores  of  the  Delaware  the  ultimate  significance  and 
value  of  life  were  interpreted  in  terms  of  religion.” 

The  purposes  expressed  in  the  Charter  of  the  Virginia 
Colonists  were  two  fold — commercial  and  religious;  to 
establish  an  English  Colony  in  the  New  World  based  on  a 
religious  foundation.  How  deeply  significant  of  this 
purpose  are  these  words  of  the  Virginia  Company  to  these 
Colonists, — “Lastly  and  chiefly  the  way  to  prosperity  and 
to  achieve  suceess  **  is  to  serve  God,  the  Giver  of  all 
goodness.” 

As  an  evidence  of  their  sincerity,  the  Company  sent 


173 


174 


THE  PILGRIMS 


with  the  first  expedition,  which  landed  at  Jamestown  in 
May  1607,  the  Reverend  Robert  Hunt,  A.  M.  He  was 
“a  godly  man  **  a  sincere  Christian  gentleman,  **  and 
an  honest,  religious  and  courageous  divine.” 

One  of  the  first  things  done  by  these  Virginia  Colonists, 
on  landing  at  Jamestown,  was  to  prepare  a  place  where 
they  could  hold  a  religious  service.  Smith  says,  “I  well 
remember  we  did  hang  an  awning,  which  is  an  dd  saile, 
to  three  or  four  trees  to  shadow  us  from  the  sun,  our  walls 
were  railes  of  wood,  our  seats  were  unhewed  trees  **  our 
pulpit  a  bar  of  wood  nailed  to  two  neighboring  trees.” 
In  this  woodland  church  on  June  20,  1607,  the  Rev.  Robert 
Hunt  administered  the  first  sacrament  on  Virginia  soil 
to  these  weary,  storm  tossed  mariners  of  the  English 
Church. 

This  served  them  till  they  built  their  first  church  in  the 
summer  of  1607, —  “a  homely  thing  like  a  barn  set 
upon  cratchets  covered  with  rafts,  sedge  and  earth.” 
This  church  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  January  1608,  but 
another  and  better  one  was  built  at  once.  In  these  prim¬ 
itive  churches,  “we  had  daily  common  prayer,  morning 
and  evening,  every  Sunday  two  sermons,  and  every  three 
months  the  holy  communion  until  our  minister  died,  ** 
but  our  prayers  daily  with  a  homily  on  Sunday  we  con¬ 
tinued  until  the  next  preacher  came.” 

The  spiritual  life  of  the  Colony  was  in  the  keeping  of 
this  godly  man. 

Rev.  Robert  Hunt  died  about  October  1609,  and  the 
Rev.  Richard  Buck,  a  graduate  of  Oxford,  came  in  May 
1610,  with  the  next  supply  of  Colonists.  After  the  death 


' 


RUINS  OF  OLD  CHURCH  TOWER  AT  JAMESTOWN 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  OF  COLONY 


175 


of  Mr.  Hunt,  except  for  short  intervals  caused  by  death, 
the  Colony  at  Jamestown  was  never  without  a  minister, 
until  the  abandonment  of  the  town  about  1750.  These 
ministers  are  spoken  of  as  sincere  and  devout  Christian 
men. 

When  Lord  Delaware  arrived  at  Jamestown  in  June 
1610,  he  reconstructed  and  beautified  the  church.  “It 
was  fitted  with  a  chancel  of  cedar  and  communion  table 
of  black  walnut.  All  the  pews  and  pulpit  were  of  cedar, 
with  fair,  broad  windows  also  of  cedar.  The  font  was 
hewn  hollow  like  a  canoe,  and  there  were  two  bells  in 
the  steeple.  The  church  was  so  cast  as  to  be  very  light 
within,  and  the  Lord  Governor  caused  it  to  be  kept 
passing  sweet,  trimmed  up  with  divers  flowers.  There  was 
a  sexton  in  charge  of  the  church,  and  every  morning  at 
the  ringing  of  a  bell  by  him  about  ten  o’clock,  each  man 
addressed  himself  to  prayer,  and  so  at  four  o’clock  before 
supper.” 

In  1639,  a  brick  church  was  built,  but  burned  by  Bacon 
in  his  rebellion  in  1676.  A  new  brick  church  was  then 
built,  being  finished  in  1679,  in  which  services  were  held 
until  about  1750.  The  site  of  government  was  moved 
from  Jamestown  to  Williamsburg  about  1699.  Bruton 
Parish  Church  was  built  at  Williamsburg,  and  the  mem¬ 
bership  at  Jamestown  was  finally  transferred  to  it.  The 
Jamestown  Church  was  abandoned  and  fell  into  ruin,  but 
the  tower  and  brick  walls  of  the  ruins  are  still  standing. 

The  minister,  the  church  and  religion  were  ever  in  the 
thought  and  plans  of  these  Jamestown  Colonists.  The 
Church  and  the  most  sacred  and  holy  relationships  of 


176 


THE  PILGRIMS 


life  were  deeply  and  reverently  associated  in  their  hearts 
and  minds.  In  this  first  church  at  Jamestown,  the  first 
marriage  in  the  New  World,  that  of  Ann  Burras  and  John 
Laydon,  was  solemnized;  to  this  sacred  place  they  bore 
their  first  born,  Virginia,  for  baptism;  under  the  teachings 
and  influence  of  the  minister,  Rev.  Richard  Buck,  Poca¬ 
hontas  was  converted  to  Christianity;  in  this  church, 
she  was  baptised,  and  here  she  was  married  to  John  Rolfe. 
At  the  altar  of  the  church,  men  and  maidens  exchanged 
vows  of  love  and  fidelity,  and  were  united  in  marriage 
by  godly  ministers;  here  they  brought  their  first  born 
for  baptism;  and  from  this  sacred  place  their  dead  were 
borne  to  their  last  earthly  resting  place  in  Jamestown 
Church  yard. 

Yes,  it  may  be  said  of  Jamestown  Colony,  as  of  New 
Amsterdam,  that  it  “was  a  commercial  colony  with  re¬ 
ligious  principles.’ ’  “The  ultimate  significance  and  value 
of  life  were  interpreted  in  terms  of  religion”  by  these 
Virginia  Colonists. 

Those  things  were  lacking  in  the  schemes  and  plans  of 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  that  were  necessary  to  preserve  and 
cultivate  the  religious  life  of  the  Plymouth  Colonists. 
They  brought  no  minister  with  them.  The  Pilgrims,  on 
arriving  at  Plymouth  in  the  latter  part  of  December  1620 
immediately  built  “ye  first  house  for  common  use  to 
receive  them  and  their  goods.”  This  was  completed  by 
the  middle  of  January  1621.  The  first  religious  service 
at  Plymouth  was  held  in  the  Common  House,  but  not 
until  March  1621.  The  holy  communion  was  not  adminis - 
tered  to  these  Plymouth  Colonists  until  in  the  year  1629. 


BAPTISM  OF  POCAHONTAS 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  OF  COLONY 


177 


In  a  short  time,  they  erected  a  building  of  logs  with 
a  flat  roof  on  the  hill  for  their  Common  House.  This 
Common  House  was  both  a  fortress  and  church.  On  its 
roof,  Captain  Miles  Standish  placed  his  five  cannon. 

“Look!  you  can  see  from  this  window  my 
brazen  howitzer  planted 

High  on  the  roof  of  the  church,  a  preacher 
who  speaks  to  the  purpose, 

Steady,  straightforward,  and  strong,  with  irre¬ 
sistible  logic, 

Orthodox,  flashing  conviction  right  into  the 
hearts  of  the  heathen.” 

This  church  was  desecrated  by  hanging  thereon  the 
head  of  an  Indian  slain  by  Captain  Miles  Standish. 

“And  as  a  trophy  of  war  the  head  of  the 
brave  Wattuwamet 

Scowled  from  the  ro)f  of  the  fort,  which  at  once 
was  a  church  and  a  fortress.” 

What  a  ghastly  incongruity.  What  a  desecration  of  God’s 
house ! 

These  Pilgrims  built  no  temple  to  the  living  God  until 
1648,  nearly  thirty  years  after  arriving  at  Plymouth. 
This  log  fort,  with  its  flat  roof,  on  which  was  mounted 
their  cannon — “a  preacher  who  speaks  to  the  purpose,” 
was  their  “meeting  house”  during  all  that  period.  The 
walls  of  this  fortress — church  were  mute  witnesses  of 
every  phase  of  secular  life, — a  store  house,  a  trader’s 
resort,  a  court  house  where  the  low  and  revolting  im¬ 
moralities  and  crimes  of  the  Colony  were  heard,  and 


178 


THE  PILGRIMS 


inhuman  punishments  were  inflicted  according  to  the 
laws  of  Moses.  This  was  their  “Meeting  House.” 

Their  Church  and  its  policies  were  more  of  a  civil  and 
military  than  a  religious  organization.  This  is  a  descrip¬ 
tion  of  their  Sundays  in  1627,  by  De  Rasieure.  “They 
assembled  by  beat  of  drum,  each  with  his  musket  or  fire¬ 
lock,  in  front  of  the  Captain’s  door;  they  have  their  cloaks 
on  and  place  themselves  in  order,  three  abreast,  and  are 
led  by  a  sergeant  without  beat  of  drum.  Behind  comes 
the  Governor  in  a  long  robe,  beside  him,  on  the  right 
hand,  comes  the  preacher  with  his  cloak  on,  and  on  the 
left  hand,  the  Captain  with  his  side  arms  and  cloak  on, 
and  with  a  small  cane  in  his  hand;  and  so  they  march 
in  good  order,  and  each  sets  his  arms  down  near  him.” 
This  was  more  like  a  military  than  a  religious  procession. 
There  were  no  Indians  near  them.  In  fact,  they  were  at 
peace  with  all  Indian  tribes  living  nearest  them  until 
King  Philip’s  war  in  1675. 

Surely,  these  are  not  scenes,  nor  associations  that  are 
harmonious.  No!  When  the  soul  wants  to  commune  with 
God,  man  repairs  to  that  holy  of  holies, — a  temple  of 
God,  where  peace,  purity,  sweetness  and  sinless  associa¬ 
tions  are  found. 

The  religious  life  of  the  Pilgrims  of  Plymouth  Colony 
was  drab  and  colorless.  Dankers  and  Sluyter  thus  de¬ 
scribed  a  Sunday  in  Massachusetts  about  1680,  “We  went 
into  the  church  where,  in  the  first  place  the  minister 
made  a  prayer  in  a  pulpit  of  full  two  hours  in  length; 
after  which  an  old  minister  delivered  a  sermon  an  hour 
long  and  after  that  a  prayer  was  made  and  some  verses 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  OF  COLONY 


179 


sung  out  of  the  Psalms.  In  the  afternoon  three  or  four 
hours  were  consumed  with  nothing  except  prayers,  three 
ministers  relieving  each  other  alternately,  when  one  was 
tired  another  went  up  into  the  pulpit.  There  was  no 
more  devotion  than  in  other  churches  and  even  less  than 
in  New  York, — no  respect,  no  reverence, — in  a  word, — 
nothing  but  the  name  of  Independents.” 

They  had  robbed  religion  of  the  beautiful  and  spiritual. 
They  regarded  the  works  of  the  artist,  the  painter  and 
sculptor  as  idolatrous;  the  sweet  strains  of  music  were 
never  heard  in  the  fortress-church;  they  eliminated  the 
music,  beauty  and  poetry  of  the  Psalms,  and  converted 
them  into  rhymeless  doggerel.  For  a  time  they  used 
Ainsworth’s  version  of  the  Psalms,  but  An  1639,  desiring 
that  “The  singing  of  the  Psalms  should  be  restored  to 
their  scriptural  purity,”  Cotton  Mather,  Mr.  Welde  and 
Mr.  Eliot  were  selected  to  make  such  a  translation  as 
would  restore  them  to  their  “ancient”  purity  and  beauty. 
Their  translation  was  published  under  the  title  of  “The 
Bay  Psalm  Book.”  The  preface  to  this  book  says  that 
they  “faithfully  translated  into  metre  the  whole  Book  of 
Psalms.”  It  cannot  be  said  that  their  translation  was 
any  improvement  on  that  of  Ainsworth. 

The  twenty- third  Psalm  is  an  expression  of  David's 
sweet  simplicity,  faith  and  confidence  in  God’s  Grace. 

“The  Lord  is  my  Shepherd;  I  shall  not  want. 

He  maketh  me  to  lie  down  in  green  pastures; 

He  leadeth  me  beside  the  still  waters. 

He  restores  my  soul;  he  leadeth  me  in  the  paths 
of  righteousness  for  His  names  sake.” 


180 


THE  PILGRIMS 


These  Puritans  parodied  these  beautiful  verses  in  the 
following  grotesque  lines, — 

“1.  The  Lord  to  me  a  Shepherd  is, 

Want  therefore  shall  not  I; 

2.  He  in  the  folds  of  tender  grasse, 
doth  cause  mee  downe  to  lie; 

To  waters  calm  mee  gently  leads, 

3.  Restore  my  soul  doth  hee; 

He  doth  in  paths  of  righteousness ; 
for  His  names  sake  lead  mee.” 

The  preface  to  “The  Bay  Psalm  Book”  but  adds  to 
the  ludicrous  travesty  of  the  lines  of  the  Sweet  Singer 
of  Israel.  These  translators  say  in  their  preface.  “If 
therefore  the  verses  are  not  always  so  smooth  and  elegant 
as  some  may  desire  and  expect,  let  them  consider  that 
God’s  Altar  needs  not  our  polishing;  Ex-20,  For  wee  have 
respected  rather  a  plaine  translation,  than  to  smooth 
our  verses  with  the  sweetness  of  any  paraphrase,  and  so 
have  attended  Conscience  rather  than  Elegance,  fidelity 
rather  than  poetry,  in  translating  the  Hebrew  into  English 
metre;  that  soe  wee  may  sing  in  Zion,  the  Lord’s  songs 
of  praise  according  to  his  own  will.” 

At  their  services,  they  sang  many  of  these  parodies  of 
the  Psalms  in  sepulchral,  nasal  tones,  interspersed  be¬ 
tween  their  long  prayers  and  sermons.  Wiggles  worth 
gives  us  a  picture  of  the  atmosphere  of  gloom  in  which 
the  soul  of  the  Pilgrim  and  Puritan  dwelt,  in  these  lines, — 

“My  thoughts  on  awful  subjects  rolle — 

Damnation  and  the  dead.” 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  OF  COLONY 


181 


Yet,  Bradford  wondered  why  those  Anglo-Saxons  of 
“Merrie  England”  had  to  be  whipped  and  punished  to 
compel  them  to  attend  the  services  of  the  Brownist  Church. 

They  remembered  their  material  blessings  on  that  first 
Thanksgiving  day  in  1621,  in  feasting,  games,  singing  and 
dancing  by  their  Indian  guests.  But  that  natal  day 

“Whereon  is  bom 

The  Christ  that  saveth  all  and  me;” 

that  day,  with  its  hallowed  and  holy  memories,  and  its 
spiritual  significance,  was  ignored.  The  celebration  of 
the  birth  of  the  Christ  Child  was  prohibited.  In  the  neigh¬ 
boring  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  1651,  an  order 
of  the  General  Court  was  made  providing  that  any  one 
observing  “any  such  day  as  Christmas  **  shall  pay  for 
any  such  offense  five  shillings.” 

Christmas,  to  them,  was  a  superstitious  relic  of  popery 
and  paganism.  All  merry  making  was  prohibited.  Mar¬ 
riage  was  not  a  holy  ordinance  of  God,  but  degraded  into 
a  mere  civil  contract  made  between  youth  and  maiden 
in  presence  of  the  Magistrate.  When  death  entered  the 
family  circle,  grief  and  sorrow  for  the  loss  of  a  loved  pne 
was  suppressed;  the  body  was  coldly  committed  to  the 
grave  without  ceremony  or  service  of  any  kind.  There 
was  nothing  in  their  church,  social  life  or  customs  to 
cultivate  the  ethical  or  spiritual  in  the  lives  of  the  Pil¬ 
grims. 

All  of  those  Separatists  who  came  in  the  Mayflower, 
save  Brewster  and  Bradford,  had  grown  up  amidst  the 
surroundings,  and  under  the  influences  of  the  lax  ideas  of 


182 


THE  PILGRIMS 


morality  and  religion  in  Holland.  Many  of  the  Colonists 
were  of  the  Established  Church  of  England.  Though 
being  greatly  in  the  majority,  yet  they  were  not  allowed 
to  have  their  own  church  or  minister,  nor  the  safeguards 
of  the  religious  influences  of  their  own  faith.  In  after 
years,  many  settlements  and  towns  sprang  up  in  various 
parts  of  Plymouth  territory.  There  were,  however,  few 
churches  and  these  were  often  not  supplied  with  ministers. 
Concerning  these  conditions,  Palfrey  says,  that  “on  one 
occasion  Massachusetts  went  so  far  as  to  make  the  re¬ 
missness  of  Plymouth  the  subject  of  a  representation  to 
the  Federal  Commissioners.” 

In  1664,  the  dissolution  of  the  Independent  Church 
in  Plymouth  was  seriously  considered.  “Its  fortunes  had 
reached  so  low  an  ebb  that  the  membership  dwindled 
down  to  forty-seven  persons.”  Bradford  some  years  be¬ 
fore  said,  that  many  left  Plymouth  “and  sundrie  others 
still  upon  every  occasion  desiring  their  dismissions,  the 
churches  begane  seriously  to  think  whether  it  were  not 
better  to  remove  to  some  other  place,  than  to  be  thus 
weakened,  and  as  it  were  insensibly  dissolved.”  It  was, 
finally,  decided  to  keep  the  church  at  Plymouth. 

“But  the  living  faith  of  the  settlers  old 

A  dead  profession  their  children  hold.” 

These  conditions  in  the  church,  inevitably  produced  a 
decadence,  both,  in  morals  and  in  the  spiritual  life  in 
Plymouth  and  in  New  England.  In  1678,  Dr.  Increase 
Mather  said,  **  “that  many  of  the  rising  generation  are 
profane,  drunkards,  swearers,  licentious  and  scoffers  at  the 
power  of  holiness.” 


! 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE  OF  COLONY  183 


A  Reforming  Synod  met  in  Boston  in  1678,  and  issued 
a  statement  in  which  they  “lamented  the  neglect  of  public 
worship,  desecration  of  the  Lord’s  Day,  lack  of  family 
government,  and  an  alarming  increase  of  worldliness 
among  the  people,  accompanied  by  dishonesty,  extrava¬ 
gance,  lying,  intemperance,  profanity  and  a  general  decay 
of  Godliness  in  the  land.” 

Fiske  says  of  New  England,  that  the  “first  decade  of 
the  18th  century  may  be  best  characterized  by  saying 
that  spirituality  was  at  a  low  ebb.” 

The  Church  and  its  leaders  were  more  greatly  interested 
in  the  economic,  civic  and  political  problems  of  the  Colony 
than  in  its  religious  development.  The  Separatist  or 
Independent  Church  of  Plymouth  had  little  influence  on 
the  lives  of  the  people.  This  Church  had  not  found  its 
way  into  their  hearts  and  affections.  On  the  contrary, 
it  was  repellant.  The  Pilgrim  Fathers  were  rigorous  and 
merciless  in  seeking  out  and  punishing  those  guilty  of  the 
most  trivial  offenses  against  the  Brownist  Church  and 
Colony.  “Wickedness”  was  here  narrowly  looked  into 
and  severely  “punished”  by  whipping,  imprisonment  and 
death. 

The  religious  and  civic  life  of  the  Colony  was  governed 
by  the  Mosaic  Laws.  Plymouth  was  in  no  sense  a  re¬ 
ligious  Colony.  It  was  purely  economic,  commercial 
and  political. 


i 


Chapter  XXIX 

MORALS 

IN  literature  and  song  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  have  been 
characterized  as  God's  chosen  people. 

“0  trembling  Faith!  though  dark  the  morn, 

A  heavenly  torch  is  thine; 

While  feebler  races  melt  away, 

And  paler  orbs  decline, 

Still  shall  the  fiery  pillar's  ray* 

Along  the  pathway  shine, 

To  light  the  chosen  tribe  that  sought 
This  Western  Palestine.” 

Timothy  Dwight  says,  that  the  New  England  Pioneers 
were  “impatient  of  the  restraints  of  law,  religion  and 
morality.” 

We  are  shocked  at  their  gross  immoralities  and  licen¬ 
tiousness.  Drinking  was  general.  The  tavern  fireside 
was  the  social  rendezvous  of  the  men.  A  bright  cheery 
fire  during  the  long  winter  nights,  liquor  and  coarse  com¬ 
panionship  brought  the  inevitable  result — drunkenness, 
vulgarity  and  licentiousness.  These  Pilgrim  Fathers  made 
the  Inn — the  drinking  resort  of  the  town — an  appendage 
of  the  “Meeting  House.”  They  granted  licenses  only  to 
those  who  would  locate  “so  near  the  meeting  house  that 
those  attending  meeting  could  enjoy  the  fireside  and  liquor 


185 


186 


THE  PILGRIMS 


between  services  on  the  Lord’s  Day.  The  only  restric¬ 
tion  imposed  was  that  no  liquor  should  be  sold  “on  the 
Lord’s  Day  before  the  meeting  be  ended.”  Such  crimes 
as  stealing,  assault  and  murder  were  frequent. 

It  is  an  awakening  to  us  to  view  the  picture,  which 
Bradford  gives,  of  the  lives  of  the  people  of  Plymouth. 
He  speaks  of  their  notorious  sins, — “espetially  drunken¬ 
ness  and  uncleanness;  not  only  incontinence  between 
persons  unmarried  **  but  some  married  persons  also.” 
“By  uncleanness”  he  refers  to  the  impurity  of  the  lives 
of  both  men  and  women. 

There  are  many  instances  of  record  of  the  selling  and 
trading  wives  by  their  husbands  in  New  England.  We 
are  astounded  to  learn  that  it  was  a  custom  sanctioned 
by  the  Church.  Governor  Winship  wrote,  suggesting 
to  the  Church  in  Providence,  “that  if  Goodman  Verin 
would  n^t  give  his  wife  full  liberty  to  go  to  meeting  on 
Sunday  and  weekly  lectures  as  often  as  she  wishes,  the 
Church  should  dispose  of  her  to  some  other  man  who 
would  use  her  better.” 

The  licentious  and  degrading  custom  of  bundling1  pre¬ 
vailed  in  New  England  from  about  the  year  1634,  to  near 
the  close  of  the  18th.  century — a  period  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  years. 

The  practice  began  with  “the  humbler  classes  of 
society.”  It  grew,  however,  among  other  classes,  and 
Stiles  says  “came  the  nearest  to  being  a  universal  custom 
from  1750  to  1780.”  While,  generally,  yet  it  was  not 
always,  confined  to  “sweethearts  and  lovers.”  Stiles, 
quoting  from  the  History  of  Ancient  Glastonbury,  Con- 


1  The  Century  Dictionary 


MORALS 


187 


necticut  by  Rev.  Alonzo  Chapin,  says,  “that  the  church 
records,  during  the  pastorate  of  the  Rev.  Eels  1759-1791, 
states  that  the  absurd  practise  of  bundling  prevailed  in 
those  days,  ***aided  by  a  previous  growing  laxity  of 
morals  **  had  rolled  a  tide  of  immorality  over  the  land 
which  not  even  the  bulwark  of  the  Church  had  been 
able  to  withstand.  The  Church  Records  from  1760  to 
1791,  raised  presumptions  of  the  strongest  kind,  that  then 
as  since,  incontinence  and  intemperance  were  among 
the  sins  of  the  people.” 

This  custom  began  in  1634,  as  the  children  of  the  Colony 
grew  to  young  men  and  women,  and  as  other  women 
came  into  the  Colony.  It  prevailed  in  New  England 
for  more  than  a  century  before  even  the  church  awoke 
to  its  corrupt  and  debasing  effect  on  the  morals  of  the 
people. 

“About  1756  Boston,  Salem,  Newport  and  other 
places  forbade  their  daughters  bundling.” 

The  church,  also,  took  steps  to  correct  the  evil  by  a  “re¬ 
vision  of  their  church  policy,  by  greater  carefulness  in 
admission  of  members,  by  rules  more  stringently  enforced 
to  preserve  purity  of  the  church.”  Jonathan  Edwards 
“thundered  against  it,  **  but  the  task  was  well  nigh 
hopeless.” 

What  were  the  conditions  that  produced  this  custom 
in  these  New  England  Colonies  so  soon  after  their  first 
settlement  ? 

These  Pilgrim  Fathers  and  Puritans  had  robbed  mar¬ 
riage  of  its  sacred  character.  The  Separatist  and  Inde¬ 
pendent  Church  had  degraded  it  to  the  lower  level  of  a 


188 


THE  PILGRIMS 


mere  civil  and  business  contract.  The  English  Church 
had  elevated  marriage  to  a  higher  plane;  there  was  a 
sacred  and  spiritual  significance  in  it  when  solemnized 
by  a  clergyman  in  the  beautiful  ceremony  of  that  church ; 
these  New  England  Colonists  had  removed  it  from  the 
pure  and  holy  influences  of  the  Church.  A  minister  was 
not  permitted  to  perform  the  ceremony  of  marriage; 
only  a  Magistrate  or  one  authorized  by  the  General 
Court  had  the  right  to  “join  any  persons  together  in 
marriage.”  In  1647,  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony 
prohibited  any  person  joining  “themselves  in  marriage 
but  before  some  Magistrate  or  person”  authorized  by 
the  Court.  It  was  not  until  1692,  after  Plymouth  Colony 
had  been  incorporated  into  the  Massachusetts  Common¬ 
wealth  under  a  new  charter  from  the  King,  that  a  minister 
was  authorized  to  solemnize  marriages.  Ministers  were 
prohibited  from  solemnizing  marriages  for  nearly  three 
quarters  of  a  century,  and  in  the  outlying  districts,  much 
of  the  time,  there  was  no  one  authorized  to  perform  the 
ceremony.  Under  these  conditions,  the  people  lost  their 
reverence  for  marriage  as  a  sacred  ordinance  and  their 
respect  for  it  as  a  civil  contract. 

The  inevitable  result  of  these  conditions  followed, — 
incontinence  and  a  lower  moral  tone  in  the  New  England 
Colonies. 

There  were  in  Plymouth  Colony  people  who  were 
guilty  of  the  lowest  and  most  depraved  sins, — sins  and 
the  punishment  therefor,  so  revolting  as  to  be  unmen¬ 
tionable. 

Bradford  says  that  notwithstanding  attempts  to  pre- 


MORALS 


189 


vent  these  “sins”  “by  strict  laws”  they  became  common 
“breaking  out  where  it  getts  vente.” 

Like  conditions  prevailed  in  the  Puritan  Colony  of 
Massachusetts  Bay.  In  1642,  Governor  Bellingham 
wrote  a  letter  to  Governor  Bradford  concerning  the 
“heinous  offenses  in  point  of  uncleanness”  prevailing 
there,  and  asking  the  advice  of  the  Magistrates  and  Elders 
of  Plymouth  Colony  as  to  what  constituted  these  crimes, 
and  the  evidence  necessary  for  conviction.  Governor 
Bradford  referred  the  matter  to  “such  Reverend  Elders 
as  are  among  us” — John  Reyner,  Ralph  Patrick  and 
Charles  Chancy — for  their  opinion  as  to  what  constituted 
the  offenses  named,  what  degree  of  guilt  was  necessary, 
how  many  witnesses  were  required  to  convict  and  the 
punishment.  Although  English  subjects,  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  did  not  turn  to  the  English  laws  governing  these 
crimes,  nor  to  the  men  who  could  interpret  them,  but  to 
the  ministers.  The  Old  Testament  was  their  Book  of 
Laws,  Moses  was  their  law  giver,  and  the  ministers  were 
the  interpreters  of  these  laws. 

These  Elders  wrote  exhaustive  opinions,  in  deciding  the 
questions  submitted  to  them.  They  based  their  opinions 
on  the  laws  of  Moses  found  in  Leviticus,  Exodus,  Deu¬ 
teronomy,  Numbers  and  Joshua. 

As  late  as  1678,  the  General  Court  of  Masaschusetts 
Bay  Colony,  desiring  to  adopt  a  code  of  laws  concerning 
crimes  and  punishments  therefor,  referred  the  matter  to 
the  ministers  of  the  Colony.  These  “Reverend  Elders,” 
after  due  deliberation,  recommended  the  adoption  of  the 
Mosaic  Laws  concerning  idolatry,  witchcraft,  blasphemy, 


190 


THE  PILGRIMS 


murder,  poisoning,  adultery,  man  stealing,  bearing  false 
witness,  and  children  cursing  or  smiting  their  parents, 
as  found  in  the  21st  and  22nd  Chapters  of  Exodus,  the  20th, 
21st  and  24th  chapters  of  Leviticus,  and  the  19th  and  22nd 
Chapters  of  Deuteronomy.  The  General  Court  adopted 
the  report  of  the  ministers,  and  enacted  the  Laws  of  Moses 
concerning  these  crimes  and  punishment  therefor,  as  the 
laws  of  the  Colony.  Death  was  the  punishment  for  these 
crimes. 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers  sought  and  punished  offenders 
mercilessly.  They  had  but  one  standard  of  morals  and 
punishment  for  men  and  women.  Notwithstanding  im¬ 
prisonment,  whipping  and  the  death  penalty,  still  these 
punishments  had  no  deterrent  effect. 

These  Plymouth  Colonists  were  without  religious 
influences,  and  had,  therefore,  become  irreligious.  They 
had  become  morally  and  spiritually  blind. 

Why  did  these  conditions  prevail  in  Plymouth? 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Separatists  who  came 
from  Leyden,  save  Bradford  and  Brewster,  were  of  the 
younger  generation.  They  had  fallen  into  the  habits, 
customs  and  “licentiousness  of  the  youth  in  that  countrie.” 
Many  “undesirables,  both  men  and  women”  came  to 
the  Colony. 

There  came  to  New  England,  Weeden  says,  “a  steady 
stream  of  white  male  and  female  emigrants  apprenticed 
or  bound  to  serve,  also  banished  convicts,  and  a  steady 
stream  of  laborers  forced  to  sell  their  service  to  pay  the 
expense  of  their  transportation.”  Bradford  wonders, 
“how  it  came  to  pass  that  so  many  wicked  persons  and 


MORALS 


191 


profane  people  should  so  quickly  come  over  into  this 
land.’'  Life  in  the  New  World  was  wild  and  free.  The 
Church  and  religious  atmosphere  was  wanting.  There  was 
no  godly  example,  teaching  or  restraining  influence  of 
a  minister  during  the  early  life  of  the  Colony.  There 
were  many  periods  when  they  had  no  minister,  and  some 
of  those,  whom  they  did  have,  were  not  of  good  character. 
Other  ministers  engaged  in  controversies  and  contentions 
with  the  leaders  in  the  Church  over  trivial  matters .  Under 
these  conditions  the  Colonists  lost  their  respect  for  the 
minister,  the  church  and  religion. 

“Plymouth  had  neither  by  example  or  otherwise,” 
Doyle  says,  “much  effect  on  Massachusetts.  If  the  Ply¬ 
mouth  settlement  had  never  been  made,  the  political 
life  of  New  England  would  in  all  probability  have  taken 
the  same  form  and  run  the  same  course  as  it  did.” 

Plymouth  Colony  lived  an  exclusive,  narrow  existence, 
without  any  inspiring  or  elevating  influence  on  the  set¬ 
tlers  within  the  bounds  of  its  own  territory,  on  the  sur¬ 
rounding  Colonists  or  on  posterity,  either  intellectually, 
socially,  politically,  in  economics,  morals,  or  religion. 


Chapter  XXX 

MINISTERS 

THE  Mayflower  sailed  for  the  New  World  with  its 
cargo  of  human  souls  without  a  minister.  In  the 
midst  of  sacrifices,  distress,  sickness  and  death,  on  sea 
and  land,  there  was  no  one  to  bring  the  consolations  of 
religion  to  those  suffering,  sorrowing  souls  for  nine  years. 

It  is  almost  unbelievable  that  any  community  or  set¬ 
tlement  of  Englishmen  would  live  for-  so  long  a  period 
without  a  minister.  Mr.  Robinson  remained  in  Leyden 
as  pastor  of  the  Separatist  Church,  instead  of  sailing 
with  the  Pilgrim  Fathers;  and  there  is  no  evidence  that 
the  Separatists  in  Plymouth  made  any  effort  to  obtain  a 
minister  from  1620  to  1629. 

Complaint  was  made  in  1624  to  the  Adventurers  of  the 
religious  conditions  in  the  Colony.  Among  the  com¬ 
plaints  was  the  charge  that  the  Colonists  were  Brown- 
ists,  and  would  not  allow  an  English  church  in  the  Colony. 

Bradford,  as  an  excuse  for  their  failure  to  observe 
their  religious  duties,  says  that  it  was  because  the  Ad¬ 
venturers  had  prevented  Robinson  from  coming  to  Ply¬ 
mouth.  Robinson  died  March  1,  1625.  From  1620  to 
1625,  there  is  nothing  in  his  letters  or  conduct  that  indi¬ 
cate  an  intention  on  his  part  or  a  desire  to  join  the  Colony. 
In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1626,  the  Adventurers 


193 


194 


THE  PILGRIMS 


agreed  to  sell  their  interest  in  the  Colony  to  the  Colonists. 
The  Colonists  were  then  free  from  any  restraints  of  the 
Adventurers  concerning  a  Separatist  minister  for  the 
Colony,  yet  they  had  no  minister  until  1629. 

During  the  entire  period  from  1620  to  1626,  the  Ad¬ 
venturers  alone  attempted  to  furnish  ministers  for  the 
Colony.  In  1624,  they  sent  over  the  first  minister — John 
Lyford,  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England,  but  with 
Separatist  tendencies,  a  man  of  loose  morals  and  low 
character.  He  preached  for  them  a  short  time,  but  was 
expelled  from  the  Colony  because  he  wrote  to  the  Com¬ 
pany  a  report  of  religious  conditions  in  the  Colony,  and 
‘‘withdrew  **  and  set  up  a  public  meeting  aparte,  on  ye 
Lord’s  day.”  This  was  a  service  of  the  Established 
Church  for  the  benefit  of  the  members  of  that  Church  in 
the  Colony. 

In  1628,  Mr.  Allerton,  the  agent  for  the  Colonists, 
brought  over  Mr.  Rogers  as  their  minister,  but  as  Brad¬ 
ford  says,  “he  was  erased  in  his  braine,  so  that  they  were 
forced  to  be  at  the  further  charge  to  send  him  back 
again  the  next  year.” 

In  1629,  Mr.  Ralph  Smith  came  over  to  “ye  Bay  of 
Massachusetts.  But  becoming  wearie  of  being  in  that 
uncouth  place,”  came  to  Plymouth.  The  Separatists  of 
Plymouth,  learning  that  he  had  been  a  minister,  elected 
him  as  pastor  of  their  church;  he  was  their  “first  settled 
minister.”  Bradford  says,  that  he  was  “a  man  of  very 
mean  abilities;”  they  were  not  satisfied  with  him,  and  he 
left  them  in  1636.  About  1632,  Roger  Williams  came  to 
Plymouth.  He  was  admitted  as  a  member  of  the  Separ- 


MINISTERS 


195 


atist  Church,  “and  exercised  his  gifts  amongst  them.1’ 
Bradford  says,  that  he  was  “a  man,  godly  and  zealous,  ** 
but  very  unsettled  in  judgement.  *  ’  He  soon  ‘  ‘began  to  fall 
into  some  strange  opinions,  and  from  opinions  to  practise; 
which  caused  some  controversie  between  ye  church 
and  him.”  He  left  them  “somewhat  abruptly”  in  1632. 

Bradford  is  condescendingly  charitable  to  this  godly 
man.  After  writing  of  their  differences  and  controversies 
with  this  “gentle  baptist,”  he  says — “but  he  is  to  be 
pitied,  and  prayed  for,  and  so  I  shall  leave  ye  matter, 
and  desire  ye  Lord  to  shew  him  his  errors  and  reduce 
him  unto  ye  way  of  truth,  and  give  him  a  settled  judge¬ 
ment  and  constancie  in  ye  same;  for  I  hope  he  belongs 
to  ye  Lord,  and  that  he  will  shew  him  mercie.” 

Williams  was,  in  truth,  a  disciple  of  Christ.  He  was  a 
vigorous  defender  of,  what  he  called,  “soul  liberty.”  He 
entertained  and  practiced  these  “strange  opinions, — *** 
liberty  of  conscience  and  of  religious  belief  and  freedom 
in  matter  of  worship;  that  the  doctrine  of  persecution 
for  the  cause  of  conscience  **  is  contrary  to  the  doctrine 
of  Christ  Jesus.”  He  did  not  believe  in  a  theocracy;  he 
taught  the  doctrine  of  separation  of  Church  and  State; 
he  denied  that  the  authority  of  the  Magistrates  extended 
beyond  civil  powers ;  he  maintained  that  their  power  was 
only  over  “the  bodies,  goods  and  outward  state  of  men.” 
He  denounced  the  law  that  gave  to  Magistrates  authority 
to  punish  heresy,  and  to  compel  attendance  at  divine 
worship.  For  these  “strange  opinions”  he  left  Plymouth. 

In  1635,  Mr.  Winslow  brought  over  Mr.  John  Norton, 
but  he  remained  only  about  one  year. 


196 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Their  next  minister  was  Mr.  John  Raynor,  who  came 
in  1636,  and  remained  as  their  pastor  until  1654. 

Bradford  says,  that  he  was  “an  able  and  godly  man  and 
of  a  meeke  and  humble  spirit.”  Though  a  graduate  of 
Magdalen  College,  Palfrey  says,  that  he  was  not  of  “com¬ 
manding  abilities  or  character.”  The  first  church  or 
“Meeting  House”  was  built  in  1648,  by  Mr.  Raynor, 
nearly  thirty  years  after  the  arrival  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers 
at  Plymouth. 

In  1638,  Mr.  Charles  Chauncey  came  to  Plymouth  as 
an  assistant  to  Mr.  Raynor,  remaining  three  years.  He 
was  “a  reverend,  godly  and  very  learned  man  ****  But 
there  fell  out  some  difference  about  baptism.”  He  held 
that  “baptism  ought  only  to  be  by  dipping  and  putting 
ye  whole  body  under  water,  and  that  sprinkling  was 
unlawful.”  The  Church  was  of  the  opinion  that,  either 
“immersion  or  dipping  was  lawful,”  but  dipping  “in  this 
cauld  countrie  was  not  so  conveniente.  They  could  not 
yield  to  him  **  that  sprinkling  was  unlawful.”  Mr. 
Chauncey,  therefore,  left  Plymouth.  He  afterwards 
became  president  of  Harvard  College. 

It  was  not  until  the  year  1669,  that  Plymouth  obtained 
a  settled  pastor.  In  that  year  Mr.  John  Cotton,  Jr. — a 
son  of  the  Rev.  John  Cotton  of  Boston — became  pastor, 
and  continued  to  serve  them  until  1692.  He  left  Ply¬ 
mouth  and  went  to  South  Carolina. 

Barrett  Wendell  says,  that  John  Cotton  “was  forced  to 
leave  his  pulpit  under  circumstances  which  may  have 
suggested  to  Hawthorne,  the  story  of  ‘The  Scarlet  Letter,’ 
and,  though  he  asserted  his  innocence  to  the  end,  he  died 
obscurely  in  South  Carolina.” 


MINISTERS 


197 


William  Brewster  was  about  sixty  years  old  when  he 
came  to  Plymouth  in  1620.  He  was  not  a  minister  but 
only  an  Elder  in  the  Independent  Church,  consequently 
he  could  not  perform  any  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church . 
Though  laboring  in  the  fields  when  able,  bearing  the  toils, 
privations  and  hardships  with  the  rest  of  the  Colony, 
yet,  when  the  Church  had  no  minister,  he  “taught  them 
twice  every  Sabbath.”  The  feebleness  of  age,  the  hard¬ 
ships,  that  he  endured,  and  his  daily  toil  sapped  his 
vitality,  so  that  he  had  little  left  for  the  religious  life 
of  the  Colony. 

During  many  long  periods  there  was  no  minister  in 
Plymouth  to  perform  any  of  the  services  of  the  church, 
or  to  administer  the  sacrament.  The  Pilgrim  Fathers 
never  recognized  the  fact  that  the  church  with  its  minister 
is  the  spiritual  and  moral  safeguard  of  a  community. 


Chapter  XXXI 

PILGRIM  FATHERS  AS  MISSIONARIES 

THE  Pilgrim  Fathers  did  not  possess  the  missionary 
spirit.  The  hope  expressed  by  Bradford  that  they 
might  do  something  for  the  propagation  and  advance¬ 
ment  of  the  gospel  of  Christ  “in  those  remote  parts  of  ye 
world,”  in  the  light  of  their  treatment  of  the  Indians, 
must  not  be  taken  seriously. 

The  Pilgrim  Fathers  brought  neither  the  Bible  nor  the 
gospel  of  Christ,  but  the  sword,  to  the  heathen  of  the 
New  World.  They  were  cruelly  inhuman  in  their  treat¬ 
ment  of  the  Indians.  They  murdered  many,  and  in  war, 
they  shot  and  killed  not  only  the  combatants,  but  herded 
innocent  women  and  children  with  the  men  in  Indian 
villages  and  burned  them  alive,  and  enslaved  men, 
women  and  children  captured  as  spoils  of  war.  Their’s 
was  a  work  of  subjugation  and  spoliation,  not  conversion 
of  the  Indians. 

Reports  of  these  cruelties  and  inhumanities,  and  of  the 
failure  to  carry  the  gospel  of  Christ  to  the  Indians  were 
received  in  England.  As  the  years  passed,  there  grew 
up  among  the  ministers  and  people  of  England,  a  feeling 
that  the  gospel  should  be  carried  to  the  Indians  in  New 
England.  About  1644,  an  Association  was  organized 
under  an  ordinance  of  Parliament  known  as  the  “Society 


199 


zoo 


THE  PILGRIMS 


for  the  promoting  and  propagation  of  the  Gospel  of  Jesus 
Christ  in  New  England.”  This  Society  obtained  liberal 
contributions  in  England  for  this  purpose.  A  com¬ 
mission  was  organized  composed  of  seven  trustees, — Puri¬ 
tans,  Congregationalists  and  Separatists  appointed  by 
the  various  Colonies  in  New  England  to  receive  and 
manage  this  fund.  Governor  Hinckley  of  Plymouth,  was 
one  of  these  trustees  or  commissioners. 

Some  years  these  Commissioners  received  from  three 
to  four  hundred  pounds,  and  some  reckoned  as  high  as 
six  hundred  pounds  a  year.  Charges  were  brought 
against  the  Commissioners  that  they  would  make  no 
allowance  out  of  these  funds  to  the  Indians  for  the  winter ; 
that  they  would  not  suffer  Aaron,  an  Indian  teacher,  to 
have  a  “Bible  with  the  Common  Prayer  in  it;”  that  they 
“enriched  themselves,  yet  charged  it  all  as  laid  out  upon 
the  poor  Indians.” 

The  missionaries  were  often  unfit  men,  although  there 
were  some  who  possessed  the  true  missionary  spirit. 

John  Elliot,  the  apostle  to  the  Indians  of  the  Massa¬ 
chusetts  Bay  Colony,  was  a  man  of  this  character.  He 
was  the  most  successful  of  all  the  missionary  workers 
among  the  Indians.  He  spent  much  of  his  life  among 
them,  improving  their  condition,  educating,  teaching,  and 
carrying  the  gospel  to  them.  His  plans  for  their  im¬ 
provement,  however,  were  not  always  practical  or  suc¬ 
cessful.  He  devised  a  plan  for  a  settlement  in  some 
remote  place  where  he  could  assemble  all  of  his  native 
followers,  and  teach  them  “in  letters,  trades  and  labors;” 
he  selected  a  place,  called  Natick  by  the  Indians,  about 


PILGRIM  FATHERS  A5  MISSIONARIES  201 


eighteen  miles  from  Boston,  laid  out  a  town,  erected  a 
palisaded  fort,  a  common  house  with  a  hall  in  it  used  for 
worship  on  Sundays  and  for  a  school  during  the  week. 

He  attempted  to  establish  a  government  based  on  the 
Bible,  both  in  Church  and  State.  He  selected  the  scheme 
of  government  of  Moses  in  the  18th,  Chapter  of  Exodus 
as  his  model, — “a  ruler  of  a  hundred,  two  rulers  of  fifty 
and  ten  rulers  of  tens;”  he  then  selected  and  appointed 
certain  Indians  to  these  positions  as  rulers.  This  plan 
appealed  to  many  Indians  who  enjoyed  these  positions 
of  authority  and  honor,  but  it  meant  the  destruction  of 
the  tribal  relations,  and  his  plan  was  soon  bitterly  op¬ 
posed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes.  The  Commissioners 
or  Trustees  of  the  missionary  fund  were  obliged  to  in¬ 
struct  him  “to  go  slow”  in  this  scheme.  His  plan  for  a 
civil  and  religious  government  for  the  Indians  was  a 
failure;  they  returned  to  their  tribes,  and  lapsed  into 
their  former  tribal  condition. 

It  is  said  that,  in  1674,  Elliot  had  about  eleven  hun¬ 
dred  “praying  Indians”  in  Massachusetts.  These  Indians, 
however,  were  not,  with  a  few  exceptions,  converted. 
They  joined  his  Colony  through  the  hope  of  aid  and  sup¬ 
port  in  winter,  and  for  positions  of  authority  given  to 
some  of  them.  There  were  only  two  churches, — one  at 
Natick  with  only  fifty  communicants,  and  another  at 
Hassanamisitt,  (Grafton).  These  “praying  Indians” 
proved  faithless;  they  joined  King  Philip’s  unconverted 
savages  in  the  massacre  of  the  white  settlers  in  his  war. 

Claims  have  been  made  of  the  large  number  of  converts 
among  the  New  England  Indians  by  Elliot  and  others, 


202 


THE  PILGRIMS 


but  the  permanent  results  do  not  justify  such  claims. 
We  may  conclude  that  these  claims  of  such  large  numbers 
of  “Praying  Indians”  were  but  propaganda  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Missionary  Society  in  England  that  was  furnishing 
the  money  for  religious  work  among  the  Indians. 


Chapter  XXXII 

RELIGIOUS  INTOLERANCE 


IN  no  Colony,  save  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  was  relig¬ 
ious  intolerance  more  pronounced  than  in  Plymouth. 
The  Pilgrims  were  Separatists,  and  no  church,  other 
than  their  Independent  Church,  was  tolerated  in  Ply¬ 
mouth  Colony.  Many  Puritans  were  still  in  the  Estab¬ 
lished  Church,  but  this  was  not  true  of  the  Pilgrims; 
the  lines  were  sharply  drawn;  every  Church,  other  than 
their  own,  was  an  abomination  of  the  Lord.  Every  man 
must  conform  to  the  Pilgrim’s  religious  views,  or  be  “har¬ 
ried”  out  of  Plymouth  Colony. 

Their  treatment  of  the  Quakers,  though  not  so  bar¬ 
barous  as  in  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  yet  was  extremely 
cruel.  Many  Quakers  had  settled  in  Scituate  and  Sand¬ 
wich,  towns  within  Plymouth  territory.  These  Quakers 
were  of  the  English  yeomanry.  They  had  been  in  the 
English  Church,  but  objecting  to  the  use  of  the  ritual 
and  form  of  worship,  became  non-conformists.  They 
believed  in  “Christ  the  Saviour,  in  the  atonement,  in  the 
resurrection  and  in  the  inspiration  of  the  Bible.”  Not¬ 
withstanding  their  belief  and  faith  in  these  fundamentals, 
they  were,  in  the  view  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  “cursed 
heretics,”  and  as  such  were  scourged  and  banished  from 
Plymouth  Colony. 


203 


204 


THE  PILGRIMS 


George  Fox,  the  founder  of  the  Sect  in  England,  was 
no  fanatic,  but  a  deeply  religious  man.  He  believed  in 
that  “Inward  Light”, — “that  Divine  spirit  within  us 
which  would  lead  men  to  all  truth,” 

Hallo-well,  writing  of  the  Quakers  in  England  and  the 
Colonies,  says,  that  “Quakerism  in  its  social  and  moral 
aspect  was  the  synonym  for  brotherly  love,  purity,  sim¬ 
plicity,  integrity  and  benevolence.” 

The  Quakers,  who  settled  in  the  Plymouth  and  Massa¬ 
chusetts  Bay  Colonies,  are  described  as  honest,  law 
abiding,  sober,  industrious  and  “God  fearing.”  They 
believed  that  marriage  was  more  than  a  civil  contract; 
they  believed  that  it  was  a  divine  ordinance  and  sacred. 
While  no  minister  officiated,  yet  the  ceremony  was  a 
sacrament.  The  following  is  a  description  of  a  marriage 
of  Friends  in  the  Colony, — In  a  public  meeting  groom 
and  bride  “solemnly  take  each  other  in  marriage,  with  a 
promise  of  love  and  fidelity,  and  not  to  leave  one  another 
before  death  separates  them.  **  After  an  appropriate 
silence,  the  groom  and  bride  rise,  and  taking  each  other 
by  the  hand,  each  in  turn  repeats  the  following, — ‘In 
the  presence  of  the  Lord  and  this  Assembly,  I  take  thee 
to  be  my  wife  (or  husband)  promising  with  divine  assist¬ 
ance  to  be  unto  thee  a  loving  and  faithful  husband  (or 
wife)  until  death  shall  separate  us.*  ” 

Wenlock  Chris tison  and  other  Friends,  who  were  per¬ 
secuted  and  banished  from  Massachusetts,  found  refuge 
on  the  Eastern  and  Western  Shores  of  Maryland  and  in 
Delaware. 

To  those  who  have  come  into  close  touch  with  the 


RELIGIOUS  INTOLERANCE 


205 


lives  of  Friends,  Hallowell's  characterization  of  their 
virtues  is  just  and  true.  Possessing  these  qualities  and 
virtues,  in  what,  then  did  these  Quakers  invite  the  wrath 
of  the  Rulers  of  Plymouth  Colony?  The  answer  is  found 
in  the  fact,  that  they  firmly  believed  in  liberty  of  con¬ 
science  and  religious  freedom  for  all  men.  The  Pilgrims, 
though  professing  this  principle,  yet  did  not,  in  fact, 
believe  in  it  at  all.  In  Plymouth  Colony,  the  Quakers 
were  charged  with  no  crime,  nor  with  the  violation  of 
any  law  of  the  Colony,  save  that  of  failure  to  attend 
the  Separatist  Church,  and  of  holding  their  own  meetings. 

It  has  been  claimed  that  the  Pilgrims  did  not  persecute 
the  Quakers.  This  is  not  correct.  None  were  executed, 
but  fines  were  imposed  that  impoverished,  and  cruel 
whippings,  imprisonment  and  banishment  were  inflicted. 
Even  the  Colonists,  faithful  to  the  Independent  Church, 
were  required  to  turn  informers  by  the  Plymouth  authori¬ 
ties  or  suffer  the  penalties  of  the  law. 

Major  James  Cudworth,  a  magistrate  and  afterwards 
deputy  Governor  of  Plymouth  Colony,  of  the  town  of 
Scituate,  was  degraded  from  his  offices,  both  civil  and 
military,  and  disfranchised  for  thirteen  years  because  he 
showed  some  kindness  to  the  Quakers  “in  giving  them  a 
night’s  lodging  or  two  and  some  victuals.” 

He  was  not  a  Quaker  but  a  Separatist.  His  offense 
was  in  objecting  to  their  persecution  by  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers,  and  in  showing  them  some  kindness.  He  says, 
“I  was  forced  on  sundry  occasions  while  magistrate  to 
declare  my  dissent  against  things  which  the  rulers  did.” 

Mr.  Hathaway,  though  elected  an  assistant  to  the 


206 


THE  PILGRIMS 


Governor  of  Plymouth  Colony,  was  not  allowed  to  take 
the  oath  of  office  because  he  advocated  toleration. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  laws  of  the  Pilgrims 
concerning  the  Quakers, — 

“If  any  entertain  a  Quaker,  if  but  for  a  quarter  of 
an  hour,  he  is  to  forfeit  five  pounds. 

“If  any  see  a  Quaker  he  is  bound,  though  he  lives 
six  miles  or  more  from  the  constable,  yet  he  must  go 
and  give  notice  to  the  constable,  or  else  is  subject  to 
the  censure  of  the  court. 

“If  the  constable  know  or  hear  of  any  Quaker  in 
his  precinct,  he  is  presently  to  apprehend  him;  and  if 
he  will  not  presently  depart  the  town,  the  constable 
is  to  whip  him  and  send  him  away. 

“If  there  be  a  Quaker  meeting  anywhere  in  this 
Colony,  the  party  in  whose  house  or  on  whose  ground 
it  is — is  to  pay  forty  shillings,  the  preaching  Quaker 
forty  shillings  and  every  hearer  forty  shillings. 

“If  they  have  meetings,  though  nothing  is  spoken 
**  they  are  to  be  apprehended  and  carried  before  a 
magistrate,  and  by  him  committed  and  kept  close 
prisoners  until  they  will  promise  to  depart  and  never 
come  again,  and  will  pay  their  fees. 

“They  must  be  kept  on  ‘coarse  bread  and  water;' 
no  Friend  will  be  allowed  to  bring  them  anything 
nor  speak  to  them.” 

Major  Cud  worth  says,  that  in  Boston  Colony  “after 
they  have  whipped  them  and  cut  their  ears  **  they  banish 
them  upon  pain  of  death  if  they  ever  come  there  again. 
We  expect  that  we  must  do  likewise;  we  must  dance 


RELIGIOUS  INTOLERANCE 


207 


after  their  pipe.”  He  further  says  of  the  punishments 
under  these  laws,  “that  the  whipping  of  them  with  that 
cruelty  as  some  have  been  whipped,  and  their  patience 
under  it,  has  gained  more  adherents  to  them  than  if  they 
had  suffered  them  openly  to  have  preached  a  sermon.” 

“Smite,  Goodman  Hate — Evil! — harder  still! 

The  magistrate  cried,  ‘lay  on  with  a  will ! 

Drive  out  of  their  bodies  the  Father  of  Lies, 

Who  through  them  preaches  and  prophesies!” 

“God  is  our  witness,”  the  victim  cried, 

We  suffer  for  him  who  for  all  men  died; 

The  wrong  ye  do  has  been  done  before, 

We  bear  the  stripes  that  the  Master  bore!” 

These  “poor  people  were  pillaged  and  plundered  of 
their  goods”  by  a  system  of  repeated  fines  in  order  to 
force  them  from  their  homes,  “even  to  their  last  cow  **  and 
when  they  have  no  more,  at  last  may  be  forced  to  flee, 
and  glad  they  have  their  lives.” 

Cudworth  gives  some  instances  of  the  cruelty  of  the 
officers  in  collecting  fines  imposed  by  the  magistrate 
against  the  Quakers.  A  poor  weaver,  who  had  seven  or 
eight  small  children — “he  himself  lame  in  his  body,”  had 
but  two  cows,  and  both  were  taken  from  him.  Some  that 
had  a  cow  only,  some  two  cows,  some  three  cows,  and 
many  small  children,  were  repeatedly  fined  until  their 
last  cow  was  taken.  None  dared  breathe  a  word  of  sym¬ 
pathy  for  fear  of  punishment. 

“Take  heed,”  one  whispered  “they’ll  take  your  cow 

For  fines,  as  they  took  your  horse  and  plough, 

And  the  bed  from  under  you.” 


208 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  attempt  was  made  to  charge  the  Sect  with  indecent 
conduct.  The  Apologists  of  the  Puritans  and  some 
historians  have  given  instances  where  women  appeared 
naked  in  public,  as  an  evidence  of  their  unfitness  to  be 
allowed  in  the  Colonies.  The  charges  of  indecency  or 
unfitness  of  these  people  are  unfounded  and  unjust.  The 
circumstances  on  which  these  charges  are  based  are  as 
follows, — One  of  these  women,  Debora  Wilson,  in  1662, 
appeared  in  the  streets  of  Salem  in  a  nude  condition. 
She  was  arrested,  but  given  only  “moderate  chastisement*' 
because  of  her  mental  condition.  She  was,  later  on, 
arraigned  for  absenting  herself  from  public  worship,  but 
was  dismissed  because  “as  the  court  record  reads,”  “she 
is  distempered  in  her  head.”  She  was  a  poor  demented 
woman. 

The  other  case  was  that  of  Lydia  Wardwell,  “a  young, 
tender  and  chaste  woman,” — the  daughter  of  a  Puritan — 
Isaac  Perkins,  She  married  a  Quaker,  Eliakim  Wardwell 
in  1659.  Her  husband  had  been  put  in  the  stocks  for 
rebuking  the  levity  of  Mr.  Raynor,  a  minister  formerly 
of  Plymouth,  who  “stood  and  looked  and  laughed”  dur¬ 
ing  the  flogging  of  Ann  Coleman,  Mary  Tompkins  and 
Alice  Ambrose  by  the  Puritans.  He  was,  also,  arrested 
and  fined  for  having  entertained  Wenlock  Chris tison, 
a  Quaker,  and  his  horse  was  taken  from  him  to  satisfy 
this  fine.  Because  of  the  absence  of  him  and  his  wife 
from  the  Independent  Church,  he  was  repeatedly  fined 
and  so  rendered  penniless. 

His  wife,  Lydia,  had  witnessed  the  torturing  and 
flogging  of  her  own  friends.  She  had  seen  the  women, — 


RELIGIOUS  INTOLERANCE 


209 


Ann  Coleman,  Mary  Tompkins  and  Alice  Ambrose — 
Friends — stripped  naked  to  the  waist,  tied  to  a  cart’s 
tail,  and  driven  through  several  towns  in  the  bitter  cold 
of  winter.  At  every  town  on  the  way,  each  woman  was 
given  ten  lashes  on  the  bare  body,  sometimes  until  the 
blood  ran. 

“By  the  meeting-house  in  Salisbury  town, 

The  sufferers  stood,  in  the  red  sundown, 

Bare  for  the  lash!  O  pitying  Night, 

Drop  swift  thy  curtain  and  hide  the  sight!” 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  but  that  these  terrible  scenes, 
and  the  persecutions  and  sufferings  of  her  husband  and 
herself  had  unsettled  the  mind  of  Lydia  Wardwell. 

Ignorance  and  a  superstitious,  selfish  intolerance  had 
chilled  the  hearts  and  dulled  the  senses  of  these  Pilgrims 
and  Puritans.  They  could  neither  see  the  sufferings,  nor 
hear  the  cry  of  pain  of  those  whom  they  so  cruelly  per¬ 
secuted. 

“Dear  God  and  Father  of  us  all, 

Forgive  our  faith  in  cruel  lies, — 

Forgive  the  blindness  that  denies!” 

“Cast  down  our  idols,  overturn 
Our  bloody  altars;  let  us  see 
Thyself  in  Thy  humanity!” 

It  cannot  be  true  that  these  Pilgrims  came  to  the  New 
World  to  find  liberty  of  conscience  and  freedom  of  wor¬ 
ship,  and  yet  could  so  relentlessly  persecute  innocent 
men  and  women  because  they  claimed  the  same  right  and 
privileges  for  themselves. 


Chapter  XXXIII 

EDUCATION  IN  PLYMOUTH  COLONY 

WILLIAM  BREWSTER  and  Edward  Winslow  were 
men  of  superior  education  for  their  time,  and 
William  Bradford  had  a  fair  education;  he  became  the 
historian  of  the  Colony.  These  men  had  lived  in  Leyden, 
a  center  of  schools  and  education  in  Holland.  They 
knew  the  need,  and  great  importance  of  education  for 
the  children  in  New  England.  They  were  leaders;  they, 
practically,  directed  and  controlled  the  policies  of  Ply¬ 
mouth  Colony  for  more  than  thirty  years;  yet  this  most 
important  work  of  educating  the  children  of  the  Colony 
was  neglected.  As  early  as  1624,  complaint  was  made 
in  England  that  “  children  were  not  catechised  nor  taught 
to  read”  in  Plymouth.  This  was,  substantially,  true,  for 
they  had  neither  schools,  fit  persons  to  teach,  nor  means 
to  maintain  them. 

Other  New  England  Colonies  took  measures  to  provide 
schools,  though  little  was,  in  fact,  accomplished.  Ply¬ 
mouth  Colony,  however,  lagged  in  this  regard. 

In  1664,  Charles  II.  appointed  Commissioners  to  go  to 
New  England,  and,  among  other  things,  report  on  the 
method  in  use  for  educating  the  young,  and  converting 
the  natives.  In  1666,  these  Royal  Commissioners  re¬ 
ported  that  in  Plymouth  Colony  “they  were  so  poor 
they  were  not  able  to  maintain  scholars  to  their  ministers.” 


211 


212 


THE  PILGRIMS 


“There  is  no  evidence  from  tradition  or  public  records,” 
says  Windsor,  “of  any  provision  for  education  until  1670, 
excep  t  in  private  families .  ’  ’  The  first  record  of  any  teacher 
in  Plymouth  was  of  John  Morton  in  1671.  It  was  not 
until  1673,  that  any  public  measure  was  taken  in  the 
interests  of  education.  In  that  year,  “The  Court  voted 
that  a  public  school,  the  earliest  in  the  Colony,  should  be 
set  up  in  the  town  of  Plymouth,  and  that  the  revenue 
from  the  Cape  Fishery  (Cape  Cod)  should  be  appro¬ 
priated  to  its  support.”  The  revenue  from  this  fishery 
was  but  a  few  pounds  each  year. 

Teachers  received  only  such  pay  as  the  parents  could 
afford  to  give,  and  parents  were  too  poor  to  pay  them. 
Both  the  mothers  and  fathers  were  illiterate,  and  too 
absorbed  in  their  daily  labors  to  instruct  their  children. 
Neither  the  wife  of  Governor  Bradford,  nor  the  four 
daughters  of  Nathaniel  Morton,  the  secretary  and  his¬ 
torian  of  the  Colony,  could  write.  These  conditions 
prevailed  until  Plymouth  Colony  was  incorporated  in  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  Commonwealth  in  1692.  From  that 
time  the  laws  of  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  then  in 
force,  and  laws  afterwards  passed  concerning  education, 
prevailed  in  what  was,  formerly,  the  territory  of  Plymouth 
Colony.  But  these  laws,  as  shown  elsewhere,  were  in¬ 
effective.  Education  was  neglected  in  these  Colonies  for 
a  century  longer. 

The  impression,  that  the  early  Pilgrims  and  Puritans 
were  deeply  interested  in  the  education  of  the  masses, 
has  been  produced  by  isolated  expressions  and  conclusions 
of  early  writers  and  historians  who  were  mostly  New 
Englanders.  These  claims  are  not  justified  by  the  facts. 


EDUCATION  IN  PLYMOUTH  COLONY  213 


Some  of  the  first  settlers  who  came  and  established 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  were  from  the  upper  and 
better  classes  in  England;  some  of  them  were  men  of 
education,  social  standing  and  wealth;  there  were  some 
graduates  of  Cambridge,  England,  the  hotbed  of  Puri¬ 
tanism.  These  men  were  superior  to  the  Pilgrim  Fathers. 

The  emigrants  were,  however,  generally  of  the  laboring 
classes  and  from  the  poor  people  of  England.  A  few, 
both  in  Plymouth  and  in  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony, 
became  small  farmers,  but  the  most  of  them  were  fisher¬ 
men,  and  traders  along  the  coast  and  among  the  Indians. 
The  hard  conditions,  unfavorable  surroundings  and  necess¬ 
ities  of  pioneer  life  were  not  conducive  to  an  interest 
in  education,  even  of  learning  to  “read  and  write.”  All 
that  was  required  in  early  Colonial  days  in  New  England, 
wasto  learn  to  “read”  and  sometimes  to  “write ;”  even  this 
was  regarded  as  necessary  only  for  boys,  but  not  for  girls, 
by  the  Puritans  and  Pilgrims. 

After  the  first  generation  of  settlers  had  passed  away, 
the  ministers  were,  practically,  the  only  educated  men 
in  the  New  England  Colonies.  As  the  years  passed,  the 
ministers  were  prohibited  from  teaching  by  an  Act  passed 
in  1702,  providing,  “that  no  minister  of  any  town  shall 
be  deemed,  held  or  accepted  to  be  the  schoolmaster  of 
such  town  within  the  intent  of  the  law.” 

Men  were  employed  to  teach  the  older  boys  for  two 
or  three  months  in  the  winter;  but  they  were  ignorant 
and  incompetent — sometimes  day  laborers. 

It  was  not  thought  necessary,  or  even  proper  to  edu¬ 
cate  girls.  As  late  as  1793,  these  New  England  Puritans 


214 


THE  PILGRIMS 


and  Pilgrims  objected  to  the  establishment  of  a  school 
for  girls  “on  the  ground  that  it  might  teach  wives  to 
correct  their  husbands  in  spelling.”  A  century  and  a  half 
was  required  to  overcome  the  prejudices  against  the  edu¬ 
cation  of  girls.  It  was  not  until  near  the  beginning  of 
the  19th  century  that  New  England  made  any  pro¬ 
vision  for  their  education.  Even  then  they  provided  for 
the  education  of  girls  “either  in  short  summer  terms,  or 
at  the  noon  hours  or  other  intervals  of  the  town  (boy's) 
school;”  they  were  not  admitted  to  the  common  schools 
of  Boston  until  about  1789. 

In  many  localities  the  education  of  girls,  at  least  before 
the  Revolution,  was  confined  to  the  “Dame  Schools.” 
This  was  a  school  for  small  children,  both  boys  and  girls, 
generally  conducted  by  elderly  women.  Mothers,  while 
teaching  their  own,  also  taught  their  neighbor’s  children, 
doing  their  house  work  at  the  same  time.  As  the  women 
and  mothers,  however,  were  ignorant  and  illiterate,  the 
educational  results  were  scarcely  appreciable.  These 
schools  were  little  more  than  nurseries  for  little  children. 

This  prejudice  against  the  education  of  girls  did  not 
exist  in  the  Colonies  below  New  England. 

John  Savage  of  Northampton  County,  Virginia,  in  the 
17th  Century  provided  in  his  will  that  his  Executors 
should  hire  out  three  servants,  and  that  their  wages 
should  be  used  to  pay  the  tuition  of  his  two  daughters 
for  a  period  of  five  years. 

Watson,  in  his  Annals,  says  of  a  school  for  girls  in  Lewis 
Town,  in  the  “three  Lower  Counties  on  the  Delaware,” 
that  “at  this  early  period  of  time  (1693)  so  much  had  the 


EDUCATION  IN  PLYMOUTH  COLONY  215 


little  Lewistown  at  our  Southern  Cape  the  pre-eminence  in 
female  tuition,  that  Thomas  Lloyd,  the  deputy  governor 
(under  William  Penn),  preferred  to  send  his  younger 
daughters  from  Philadelphia  to  that  place  to  finish  their 
Education.” 

There  are  many  records  showing  that  girls  as  well  as 
boys  were  educated  in  the  Colonies  below  New  England 
in  Colonial  days. 

Massachusetts  is  entitled  to  the  credit  of  passing  the 
first  Act  for  the  education  of  children,  though  it  was 
ineffective.  “The  great  memorial  of  that  period,”  Palfrey 
says,  “is  the  establishment  of  a  **system  of  public  schools.” 
It  is  true  that  laws  were  passed  for  the  establishment 
of  schools,  yet  they  were  not  observed.  Several  Acts 
were  passed  by  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  but  none 
by  Plymouth  Colony  except  the  one  above  mentioned. 

The  first  Act  concerning  schools  was  passed  in  Massa¬ 
chusetts  Bay  Colony  in  1642,  providing  that  children 
should  be  taught  so  much  learning  as  may  enable  them 
to  read  the  English  language.  This  law  was  ignored. 

The  next  act  was  passed  in  1647,  which  provided, 
4  Sec.  1.  Every  township  with  fifty  householders  shall 
appoint  one  within  their  town  to  teach  such  children  as 
shall  resort  to  him  to  write  and  read ,  whose  wages  shall 
be  paid  either  by  the  parents  or  masters  of  such  children, 
or  by  the  whole  inhabitants,  if  the  major  part  may  so 
order.”  “Sec.  2.  Whenever  any  town  shall  increase  to  the 
number  of  one  hundred  families  or  householders,  they 
shall  set  up  a  grammar  school;  and  if  any  town  neglect 
to  do  so  above  one  year,  such  town  shall  pay  five  pounds 


216 


THE  PILGRIMS 


per  annum.”  This  penalty,  however,  was  only  to  be 
required  for  failure  to  maintain  a  grammar  school.  There 
was  no  penalty  for  failure  to  teach  the  children  to  “read 
and  write.”  These  laws  contained  no  provision  for  their 
enforcement,  consequently,  they  were  ignored.  The 
“major  part”  of  the  inhabitants  never  voted  a  school 
tax  for  the  support  of  schools.  The  parents  were  obliged 
to  pay  for  such  instruction  as  their  children  received ;  the 
result  was,  that  comparatively  few  parents  were  either 
able  or  willing  to  pay  for  such  instruction.  Schools  were 
not  maintained  and  education  was  neglected. 

The  word  “town”  in  these  various  Acts  means  “town¬ 
ship.” 

A  quarter  of  a  century  more  of  neglect  passed.  In  167 1 
another  Act  was  passed,  providing  for  raising  the  fine 
from  five  to  ten  pounds  per  annum  for  neglecting  to 
maintain  a  grammar  school.  The  Grammar  schools  were 
intended  as  feeders  for  Harvard.  Something  had  to  be 
done  to  provide  students  for  this  college,  which  was 
languishing  for  want  of  support,  both  in  students  and  in 
money.  In  1683,  Boston  contributed  the  small  sum  of 
twenty-five  pounds  toward  the  support  of  schools,  yet 
Boston,  at  that  time,  had  a  population  of  over  five  thous¬ 
and. 

In  1683,  an  Act  was  passed  providing  that  every  town 
(township)  of  five  hundred  families  or  householders  shall 
set  up  and  maintain  two  grammar  schools  and  two  writing 
schools.  If  there  be  two  hundred  families  the  penalty 
for  failure  was  fixed  at  twenty  pounds.  None  of  these 
laws  were  effective,  even  though  penalties  were  provided, 


EDUCATION  IN  PLYMOUTH  COLONY  217 


and  increased  from  time  to  time  for  failure  to  main¬ 
tain  schools,  either  common  or  grammar,  because  the 
penalties  were  not  enforced.  Another  twenty  years  of 
neglect  passed. 

In  1702,  three-quarters  of  a  century  after  the  founding 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  the  Puritan  authori¬ 
ties,  recognizing  these  conditions,  passed  an  Act,  contain¬ 
ing  a  recital  of  the  neglect  of  education  and  the  evasion 
of  the  penalties  therefor  by  the  people;  this  Act  recites 
that  “Whereas  it  is  by  law  appointed  that  every  town 
within  this  province,  having  the  number  of  fifty  house¬ 
holders  or  upwards,  shall  be  constantly  provided  of  a 
schoolmaster  to  teach  children  and  youth  to  read  and 
write,  and  when  any  town  or  towns  have  the  number  of 
one  hundred  families  or  householders,  there  shall  be  a 
grammar  school  **  and  some  discreet  person  **  present 
to  keep  such  school.”  That  “the  observance  of  which 
wholesome  and  excellent  laws  is  shamefully  neglected  by 
divers  towns,  and  the  penalty  not  required,  tending 
greatly  to  the  nourishment  of  ignorance  and  religion.” 
**  “Be  it  enacted  **  that  the  penalty  for  non-observance 
of  such  laws  shall  henceforth  be  twenty  pounds .  *  ’  This  act 
was  equally  as  non-effective  as  the  previous  laws.  It 
was  cheaper  to  pay  the  fine  than  to  maintain  the  schools. 

In  1718,  still  another  Act  was  passed  reciting  that  many 
towns  able  to  support  a  grammar  school,  “yet  chose 
rather  to  incur  and  to  pay  the  fine  or  penalty  than  to 
maintain  the  school;”  therefore,  the  fine  was  raised  to 
thirty  pounds. 

From  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  in  1620,  for  nearly 


218 


THE  PILGRIMS 


a  century  and  three-quarters,  education  in  Pilgrim  and 
Puritan  New  England  languished.  None  of  these  laws 
had  proven  effective  in  educating  the  children  and  youth 
of  Massachusetts.  During  this  entire  period,  each  parent 
paid  for  such  schooling  as  his  children  received,  except  very 
small  sums  occasionally  paid  by  the  state  or  colony, 
consequently,  a  few — the  ministers  and  the  wealthy  only, 
gave  their  children  any  education.  There  was  little  inter¬ 
est  in  the  education  of  the  masses. 

All  of  these  laws  lacked  the  one  compelling  feature, — 
a  provision  for  the  assessment  of  a  tax  against  all  property 
and  the  collection  thereof  by  law  to  maintain  schools. 
It  was  not  until  1767  that  an  Act  was  passed,  providing 
for  the  assessment  of  a  tax  “to  pay  for  the  support  of 
schools  and  school  masters,  when  a  major  part  of  the  in¬ 
habitants  at  their  annual  meeting  legally  warned,  agreed 
on  it;”  this  requirement  of  a  majority,  in  a  great  measure 
defeated  the  purpose  of  the  Act.  It  was  not  until  in 
the  Nineteenth  century  that  the  free,  common  school, 
supported  by  enforced  taxation,  made  much  progress, 
either  in  New  England,  or  in  any  other  part  of  our  country. 
The  private  school  or  academy,  supported  mainly  by 
tuition,  was  adopted  in  Colonial  times,  and  grew  into 
general  use  and  importance  until  supplanted  by  the  High 
School  in  the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Massa¬ 
chusetts,  though  it  made  grants  of  land  for  their  support, 
yet  with  its  larger  population  living  mostly  in  towns  and 
villages,  in  1800,  had  only  seventeen  academies,  while  New 
York  had  nineteen,  North  Carolina  thirty,  and  even  little 
Delaware,  had  fourteen  academies  in  the  eighteenth  century. 


EDUCATION  IN  PLYMOUTH  COLONY  219 


In  the  light  of  these  conditions  in  Plymouth  and  Massa¬ 
chusetts  Bay  Colonies  during  the  entire  Colonial  period, 
through  their  neglect  of  education,  and  their  decadence 
in  morals  and  religion,  we  can  understand  why  their 
people  became  “rude,  coarse,  unlettered,  unmannered 
and  sensual.” 


Chapter  XXXIV 

HARVARD  COLLEGE 

HARVARD  COLLEGE,  that  now  stands  among  the 
first  of  the  great  universities  of  our  country,  was 
founded  in  1636,  primarily  “to  advance  learning  and  per¬ 
petuate  to  posterity,  dreading  to  leave  an  illiterate 
ministry  to  the  churches  when  our  present  ministers 
shall  be  in  the  dust/' 

The  General  Court  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony 
agreed  to  give  four  hundred  pounds  towards  the  erection 
of  a  building  “whereof  two  hundred  pounds  to  be  paid 
next  year,  and  two  hundred  pounds  when  the  work  is 
finished."  In  1638,  John  Harvard  bequeathed  his  library, 
and  “a  half  of  his  estate,"  which  amounted  to  about 
three  hundred  pounds,  “for  the  erecting  of  the  college." 
There  was  no  endowment,  nor  provision  made  for  its 
maintenance.  The  General  Courts  made  an  allowance 
toward  its  support,  but,  until  1673,  these  amounts  never 
reached  one  hundred  pounds  a  year.  The  students  were 
required  to  pay  tuition;  its  income,  however,  from  all 
sources,  was  inadequate  for  its  maintenance. 

In  1657,  the  college  buildings  were  found  to  be  “in  a 
decaying  condition."  There  were  some  men  among 
these  Puritans  who  had  means,  some  of  whom  had  been 
educated  at  Cambridge,  but  they  failed  to  come  to  the 


221 


THE  PILGRIMS 


222 


relief  of  the  college.  During  the  first  seventy  years  there 
was  a  “constant  struggle  for  existence,  due  to  the  parsi¬ 
mony  of  the  government,  and  the  religious  controversies 
of  the  liberals  and  the  orthodox.”  The  Commissioners  of 
the  United  Colonies  now  proposed  to  the  Colonies  “that 
by  pecks,  half  bushels  and  bushels  of  wheat,  according 
as  men  were  free  and  able,  the  college  might  have  some 
considerable  help.’1  The  results  did  not  justify  the 
expectations  of  the  Commissioners.  The  salary  of  the 
President  was  one  hundred  pounds  per  annum  in  1673. 
It  was  then  raised  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  per 
annum.  It  was,  however,  irregularly  paid,  and  president 
Hoar  remitted  fifty  pounds  of  his  yearly  salary. 

In  1673,  there  was  a  paucity  of  students  at  Harvard. 
In  fact,  the  number  of  students  was  never  very  large 
until  in  the  last  third  of  the  nineteenth  century.  At  its 
first  Commencement,  in  1642,  nine  young  men  were  gradu¬ 
ated  from  Harvard ;  one  of  these  was  from  Plymouth ;  none 
were  graduated  from  Harvard  in  the  years  1644, 1648, 1672, 
1682  and  1688,  and  only  one,  annually,  in  the  years  1652, 
1654,  and  1655.  During  the  first  thirty  years  Harvard 
graduated  an  average  of  only  six  annually,  and  in  the 
next  forty  years  a  yearly  average  of  only  nine.  From 
1701  to  1725,  the  number  graduated  each  year  ranged 
from  four  to  forty-five,  but  from  1725,  the  number 
graduated  each  year  grew  less ;  only  seventeen  were 
graduated  in  the  year  1753.  In  1665,  Massachusetts 
Bay  Colony  had  a  population  of  twenty  five  thousand  and 
Plymouth  five  thousand,  but  only  eight  were  graduated 
in  that  year  from  Harvard;  in  1754,  Massachusetts  had 


HARVARD  COLLEGE 


223 


two  hundred  and  seven  thousand  inhabitants,  but  only 
twenty  were  graduated  that  year. 

In  1680,  Dankers  and  Sluyter,  travelers  from  Holland, 
visited  Harvard;  they  “found  eight  or  ten  young  fellows 
sitting  around  smoking  tobacco,  and  the  room  was  so 
full  that  you  could  hardly  see;  and  the  whole  house 
smelt  so  strong  of  it,  that  when  I  was  going  upstairs,  I 
said — this  must  certainly  be  a  tavern”  ***  “We  asked 
how  many  students  there  were.  They  said  at  first  thirty, 
and  then  came  down  to  twenty.  I  afterward  understood 
there  are  not  probably  ten.”  This  statement  of  these 
travelers  is  confirmed  by  the  fact,  that  in  1682,  not  one 
student  was  graduated  from  Harvard.  The  College  was 
in  a  “languishing  and  decaying  condition.  ”  The  grammar 
schools  required  by  law  as  feeders  for  the  college  had  either 
not  been  established,  or  where  founded,  had  not  been 
maintained;  they  had  not  produced  students  for  the 
college. 

A  hope  had  been  expressed  that  Indians  might  be  edu¬ 
cated  at  Harvard.  In  1666,  the  Royal  Commissioners 
reported  that  at  Cambridge,  Massachusetts  “they  saw  but 
one  Indian.”  “It  was  reported  to  them  that  they  had 
three  more  at  school.” 

Harvard,  in  fact,  was  little  more  than  a  grammar 
school,  and  the  students  were  treated  as  youths  of  a 
grammar  school.  As  late  as  1800,  Henry  Adams  says, 
“the  method  of  instruction  had  not  changed,  being  then 
suited  to  children  of  fourteen  years;  that  the  discipline 
was  indifferent  and  the  instruction  poor.”  The  students 
lived  in  dormitories;  they  arose  at  sunrise  in  summer 


224 


THE  PILGRIMS 


and  at  daybreak  in  winter;  “At  breakfast  they  had  a 
small  can  of  unsettled  coffee,  a  biscuit  and  an  ounce  of 
butter,  at  dinner  a  pound  of  meat  and  two  potatoes,  and 
at  supper  a  bowl  of  milk  and  bread.”  They  were  not 
always  supplied  with  even  the  necessary  food  for  existence. 
Nathaniel  Eaton — the  first  President — was  dismissed  for 
misconduct,  cruelty  and  failure  to  give  the  students 
proper  food. 

“The  youths  were  unruly,”  and  rules  were  made  for 
their  deportment,  and  corporal  punishment  for  their 
infraction;  rule  17  provided  that  “if  any  student  shall 
violate  the  law  of  God  and  of  this  College,  either  from 
perverseness,  or  from  gross  negligence,  after  he  shall  have 
been  twice  admonished,  he  may  be  whipped,  if  not  an 
adult.” 

Harvard  was  unfortunate  in  the  selection  of  its  Presi¬ 
dents,  and  in  the  religious  dissensions  in  its  Board  of 
Overseers.  Of  the  Presidents,  some  were  guilty  of 
misconduct,  some  were  temperamentally  unfit  for  the 
position,  some  were  disputatious,  and  differed  with  the 
Governing  Body  in  matters  of  religious  beliefs  and  doc¬ 
trines,  and  there  were  irreconcilable  differences  in  the 
Body  of  Overseers. 

Harvard  was  under  the  control  of  the  Congregational 
Ministry  of  Massachusetts  for  many  years.  They  were 
intensely  and  uncompromisingly  Calvinistic  and  Orthodox 
in  that  faith.  There  gradually,  however,  grew  up  a 
more  liberal  element  among  the  Laymen  of  the  Board. 
This  controversy  between  the  Orthodox  and  the  Liberals 
became  very  bitter.  When  Cotton  Mather  failed  of 


HARVARD  COLLEGE 


225 


election  to  the  Presidency  about  1700,  he  and  other  Cal¬ 
vinists  withdrew  from  Harvard,  and  interested  them¬ 
selves  in  the  founding  of  Yale  College.  This  new  College 
was  to  be  orthodox,  and  controlled  by  the  ministers. 

The  sons  of  ministers,  and  some  few  of  the  wealthier 
classes  were,  practically,  the  only  ones  educated  at  Harvard 
during  the  Colonial  period.  “There  was  no  course  of 
study  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  for  the  “Learned 
Professions,”  except  for  ministers.  The  students  were 
interested,  chiefly,  in  religious  and  theological  subjects; 
they  were  mainly  educated  for  the  ministry.  Lawyers 
were  not  regarded  with  favor  by  the  early  Puritans.  A 
Law  School  was  not  established  at  Harvard  until  1815, 
and  a  medical  school,  not  until  1782.  The  College  of 
William  and  Mary  at  Williamsburg,  Virginia,  preceded 
Harvard  by  more  than  a  century,  in  its  law  school. 
After  the  first  emigrant  generation  of  these  Puritans,  some 
of  whom  were  graduates  of  English  Universities,  had 
passed,  there  was  a  decline  in  interest  both  in  the  rudi¬ 
ments  and  in  higher  and  cultural  education.  They  neither 
availed  themselves  of  the  opportunities  afforded  by  their 
local  colleges,  nor  did  they  send  their  sons  to  England 
for  their  professional  and  cultural  education. 

After  an  investigation,  Stille  reports,  that  from  about 
1760,  to  the  Revolution  there  were  sixty-three  Americans 
who  obtained  the  degree  of  M.  D.  from  the  University 
of  Edinburgh,  but  only  one  of  these  was  from  New  Eng¬ 
land.  That  during  this  same  period,  there  were  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  young  men  from  America  studying 
in  the  different  Inns  of  Court  in  London,  but  only  one  or 


226 


THE  PILGRIMS 


two  of  all  these  students  came  from  New  England.  Of 
this  body  of  students  studying  law  in  London,  forty-seven 
were  from  South  Carolina,  twenty-one  from  Virginia, 
sixteen  from  Maryland,  eleven  from  Pennsylvania,  and 
five  from  New  York,  and  from  the  “Three  Lower  Coun¬ 
ties,”  now  Delaware,  one  was  a  student  in  the  Inns 
of  Court,  London,  and  one  obtained  his  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Medicine  in  the  University  of  Edinburg, 
Scotland. 

While  Harvard  was  established  primarily  to  train  up 
‘‘learned  and  Godly  ministers,”  yet  as  the  years  passed, 
even  the  education  of  men  for  the  ministry  was  neglected. 
So  many  illiterate  men  were  serving  as  pastors  of  churches, 
that  in  1760,  the  following  law  was  passed  in  Massa¬ 
chusetts  to  prohibit  the  employment  of  illiterate  ministers, 
— “Whereas  some  towns,  districts,  precincts  or  parishes 
have  chosen  **  and  settled  in  the  work  of  the  ministry 
ignorant  and  illiterate  persons.  It  is  therefore  ordered 
that  none  be  employed,  except  educated  men.” 

In  1764,  the  first  Harvard  Hall  containing  its  library 
and  apparatus,  was  destroyed  by  fire.  It  was  at  once 
rebuilt. 

During  the  17th  century,  the  people,  generally,  the 
rich  and  prosperous,  those  in  moderate  circumstances, 
and  even  the  ministers,  were  not  interested  in  this  one 
institution  for  higher  education  in  all  New  England.  In 
the  18th  century,  though  Massachusetts  had  grown  in 
population  to  over  three  hundred  thousand  by  1790,  less 
interest  was  manifested  in  higher  education  than  in  the 
17th  century. 


HARVARD  COLLEGE 


227 


Harvard  did  not  until  long  after  the  Civil  War  in  1860, 
take  the  place  it  now  occupies  in  the  educational  and  in¬ 
tellectual  life  of  our  country. 

As  we  now  view  the  intellectual  life  of  New  England, 
we  cannot  understand  how  such  conditions  as  are  described 
by  writers  could  have  obtained  there  during  the  Colonial 
period. 


Chapter  XXXV 

LITERATURE 

FINNEY  says,  that  “during  the  eighteenth  century 
New  England  became  almost  unbelievably  destitute 
of  “art,  science,  music  and  secular  literature.” 

The  impression  that  the  Pre-Revolutionary  Puritans 
and  Pilgrims  of  Massachusetts  were  deeply  interested  in 
general  education  and  literary  culture,  has  been  produced 
by  isolated  expressions  and  conclusions  of  writers,  drawn 
from  such  expressions  as  the  following, — “Let  it  be 
known,”  wrote  Cotton  Mather,  “that  America  can  em¬ 
balm  great  persons  as  well  as  produce  them,  and  New 
England  can  bestow  an  elegy  as  well  as  an  education 
upon  its  heroes.” 

As  we  have  seen,  prior  to  the  Revolutionary  war, 
education  was  of  the  most  elementary  character.  The 
University  men,  who  first  came  to  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  Colony,  were  Puritans.  Theology,  however,  was 
their  chief  intellectual  pursuit.  Some  of  them  brought 
libraries  with  them,  but  they  were  mostly  on  religious 
subjects  and  the  Bible.  After  1642,  especially  during  the 
Cromwellian  period,  this  educated  class  of  Puritans 
ceased  to  come  to  the  New  World.  Many  of  those  who 
emigrated  to  New  England  returned  to  England  during 
that  period.  When  we  find,  however,  that  these  Univer- 


229 


230 


THE  PILGRIMS 


sity  Puritans  suppressed  every  emotion  of  the  heart,  ex¬ 
cluded  from  their  lives  whatever  was  beautiful  in  litera¬ 
ture,  art,  science  and  music,  we  are  justified  in  the  con¬ 
clusion  that,  while  they  may  have  been  college  men,  yet 
they  were  lacking  in  refinement  and  true  culture. 

After  this  first  generation  passed  away,  there  was  “a 
distinct  decline  in  intellectual  interests.”  The  grim 
austerities  and  fanaticism  of  a  puritan  theology  fell,  like 
a  blight  upon  the  intellectual  pursuits  and  life  of  the 
colony.  Without  system  in  their  educational  methods, 
without  teachers  and  schools,  and  surrounded  by  con¬ 
ditions  that  were  rude,  wild  and  free,  the  people  became 
illiterate  and  coarse.  Baron  Riedesel  declared  in  1781, 
that  there  was  not  one  in  ten  of  the  men  who  '‘could 
read  writing  and  still  fewer  could  write.” 

In  their  attempts  at  literature,  these  stern,  harsh 
Puritans  only  exhibited  “a  lawless  and  merciless  fury  for 
the  odd,  the  disorderly,  the  grotesque,  the  violent,  strained 
analogies,  unexpected  images,  pedantries,  indecencies, 
freaks  of  allusion  and  monstrosities  of  phrase.”  The 
following  unintelligible  jargon  is  taken  from  “The  Simple 
Cobbler  of  Agawam” — written  by  the  Rev.  Nathaniel 
Ward,  a  graduate  of  Cambridge,  England.  “If  the  whole 
conclave  of  Hell  can  so  compromise  exadverse  and  dia¬ 
metrical  contradictions  as  to  compolitize  such  a  multi- 
monstrous  manfrey  of  heteraclites  quiequidlibets  quietly, 
I  trust  I  may  say  with  all  humble  reverence  they  can  do 
more  than  the  Senate  of  Heaven.” 

Here  is  another  parody  from  the  Bay  Psalm  Book 
of  some  verses  in  the  twenty-second  chapter  of  the  Psalms, 


LITERATURE 


231 


“Upon  the  Lord  he  rolled  himself e 
let  him  deliver  him,  because 
in  him  he  doth  delight. 

“But  thow  art  hee  that  me  out  of 
the  belly  forth  did  take, 

When  I  was  on  my  mother’s  breast 
to  hope  thou  didst  me  make.” 

“The  Day  of  Doom,”  a  poem  by  the  Rev.  Michael 
Wigglesworth,  presents  a  lurid  picture  of  hell,  where 
every  one  but  the  elect  must  spend  eternity.  It  was 
first  published  in  1662,  and  passed  through  nine  editions. 
It  “was  the  solace  of  every  fireside,”  says  Lowell.  The 
author  did,  however,  promise  that  the  Good  God  would 
show  some  mercy  to  children — in  these  lines, — 

“A  crime  it  is,  therefore  in  bliss 
You  may  not  hope  to  dwell ; 

But  unto  you  I  shall  allow 
The  easiest  room  in  hell.” 

The  New  England  Primer,  published  in  1727,  and  used 
for  nearly  a  century,  is  mute  evidence  of  the  dearth  of 
educational  ideas  and  intellectual  poverty  of  the  Puritans. 
After  the  alphabet  and  some  words  of  easy  syllables,  next 
comes  the  following  pious  doggerel  in  rhyme, — 

“In  Adam’s  Fall 
We  sinned  all.” 

“Zacheus  he 
Did  climb  a  tree 
His  Lord  to  see.” 

“Young  Obadias, 

David,  Josias 
All  were  pious.” 


232 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  writers  of  this  period  were  generally  ministers. 
Their  literary  efforts  produced  sermons,  tracts  and  pam¬ 
phlets  on  theological  subjects,  dogmatic  and  contro¬ 
versial,  but  they  could  not  be  called  literature.  John 
Cotton  was  a  voluminous  writer  on  theological  subjects, 
but  his  writings  are  characterized  as  “vast  tracts  and 
jungles  of  puritanic  discourse.” 

Samuel  Willard  was  the  author  of  a  book  of  nine  hun¬ 
dred  pages,  printed  in  Boston  in  1726,  being  “A  Complete 
Body  of  Divinity”  in  two  hundred  and  fifty  expository 
“Lectures  on  the  Assembly’s  Shorter  Catechism,”  ** 
“A  great  Light  thereby  reflected  on  the  present  Age.” 

The  time  between  1637  and  1760,  is  called  the  “theo¬ 
logical  glacial”  period  by  Charles  Francis  Adams.  “It  is 
a  fact  worthy  of  note,  said  Adams,  that  the  Magnalia, 
by  Cotton  Mather,  stands  today  the  one  single  literary 
landmark  in  a  century  and  a  half  of  colonial  and  pro¬ 
vincial  life;”  that  Massachusetts  produced  “absolutely 
nothing  else,  not  a  poem  nor  an  essay,  nor  a  memoir, 
not  a  work  of  fancy  or  fiction  of  which  the  world  has 
cared  to  take  note.” 

Yet,  this  was  the  period  so  rich  in  the  Mother  Country 
in  the  English  classics.  Spencer,  Shakespeare  and  “Rare 
Ben  Johnson”  had  just  passed,  leaving  a  literature  in¬ 
comparably  beautiful  and  rare  in  thought,  imagery  and 
expression.  These  writers  were  followed  by  Milton, 
Dryden,  Pope,  Addison,  Swift,  Bunyan  and  Goldsmith. 
But  the  chaste  beauty  of  the  poetry  of  Spencer  was  a  sin, 
and  the  stage  impious, — therefore,  Spencer  and  Shakes¬ 
peare  were  shunned  by  these  Puritans.  In  fact,  their 


LITERATURE 


233 


writings  do  not  indicate  that  they  were  familiar  with  the 
English  classics. 

“The  library  at  Harvard  did  not  contain  a  single  volume 
of  Addison,  Locke,  Dryden  or  Swift  in  1723,  and  Shakes¬ 
peare  and  Milton  had  been  but  recently  acquired.”  The 
intellectual,  as  well  as  the  spiritual  life  of  these  Puritans, 
had  become  sterile.  The  Colonial  period  in  New  England 
was  barren  of  literature,  notwithstanding  such  a  rich 
treasure  house  of  English  classics  from  which  to  draw 
inspiration. 

It  was  not  until  about  1840,  and  later,  that  New 
England  became  pre-eminent  in  literature  through 
its  Concord  School  of  writers — Emerson,  Hawthorne, 
Thoreau  and  Alcott,  and  its  poets — Longfellow,  Whittier, 
Lowell  and  Holmes. 


Chapter  XXXVI 

THE  PRESS 

THE  press  is  the  great  educational  organ  in  our 
country.  It  reaches  everywhere  and  treats  of  every 
subject — religion,  education,  science,  art,  music,  litera¬ 
ture,  politics,  economics,  industrialism,  domestic  and 
foreign  relations,  the  law,  the  science  of  government  etc. 
In  fact,  information  and  knowledge  upon  every  subject, 
as  well  as  current  events,  is  disseminated  through  the 
press,  the  newspapers,  magazines,  pamphlets  and  books. 
“Every  citizen  may  print  on  any  subject,  being  respon¬ 
sible  for  the^abuse  of  that  liberty.” 

The  first  press  in  America  was  established  in  Massa¬ 
chusetts  in  1638.  Its  purpose  was  not,  however,  to  pub¬ 
lish  a  newspaper,  but  to  print  books  and  pamphlets. 
Stephen  Daye,  an  English  printer,  came  to  Boston  in 
1638,”  “bringing  with  him  a  font  of  type.”  In  1639,  he 
printed  an  almanac  for  New  England,  and  in  1640, — The 
Bay  Psalm  Book. 

Dming  the  entire  colonial  period,  there  were  about 
three  hundred  publications  issued  in  Boston  and  Cam¬ 
bridge.  “Nearly  two-thirds  of  these  were  expositions  of 
religious  beliefs  or  writings  in  defense  of  dogmas  or  aids 
to  worship;  the  remainder  were  mainly  of  laws,  official 
publications,  almanacs.”  The  first  and  only  educational 
book  was  The  New  England  Primer,  printed  in  1727. 


235 


236 


THE  PILGRIMS 


There  were  no  newspapers  whereby  information  and 
knowledge  could  be  disseminated  until  1690,  when  the 
“Public  Occurrences,  Foreign  and  Domestic"  was  pub¬ 
lished  in  Boston;  its  life,  however,  was  short.  It  was  not 
until  1704,  that  the  first  permanent  newspaper  “The 
Boston  News  Letter"  was  started.  This  was  the  only 
newspaper  published  anywhere  in  New  England  until 
1755  in  which  year  the  “Connecticut  Gazette,"  was 
published  in  New  Haven,  the  seat  of  Yale  college. 
Many  newspapers  were  published  in  other  colonies  many 
years  prior  to  the  “Connecticut  Gazette,"  viz, — in  Phila¬ 
delphia  in  1719,  in  Annapolis,  Maryland,  in  1727,  in 
Williamsburg,  Virginia,  in  1736,  and,  later,  others  in 
New  York  and  South  Carolina. 

Evidently,  the  Press  in  Massachusetts  did  not  enjoy 
unrestricted  liberty  and  freedom.  Owing  to  some  stric¬ 
tures  and  criticisms  of  the  Puritan  authorities,  a  strict 
censorship  of  the  Press  was  established  by  the  General 
Court.  In  the  Appendix  to  the  “Ancient  Laws  of  Massa¬ 
chusetts"  there  is  the  following  order  of  the  General  Court 
made  in  1662,  placing  a  strict  censorship  over  printing, 
and  limiting  the  number  of  Presses  to  one  only,  namely, — 
“For  preventing  irregularities  and  abuse  to  the  authority 
of  this  country  by  the  printing  Press,  it  is  ordered  that 
henceforth  no  copy  shall  be  printed,  but  by  the  allow¬ 
ance  first  had  and  obtained  under  the  hand  of  Captain 
Daniel  Gookin  and  Mr.  Jonathan  Mitchell,  until  this 
Court  shall  take  further  order." 

In  1664,  the  Court  made  this  further  order, — 

“For  preventing  irregularities  and  abuse  of  the  authority 


THE  PRESS 


237 


of  the  country  by  the  printing  press,  it  is  ordered  by  the 
Court  and  the  authority  thereof  that  there  shall  be  no 
printing  press  allowed  in  any  town  within  this  jurisdiction 
but  in  Cambridge.  Nor  shall  any  person  or  persons  pre¬ 
sume  to  print  any  copy  but  by  the  allowance  first  had 
and  obtained  under  the  hands  of  the  Court,  shall  from 
time  to  time  empower  the  President  of  the  College,  Mr. 
John  Sherman,  Mr.  Jonathan  Mitchell  and  Mr.  Thomas 
Shepherd,  or  any  two  of  them,  to  survey  such  copies 
and  to  prohibit  or  allow  the  same  according  to  this  order.” 

In  1681,  the  General  Court  made  the  following  order, — 
“Mr.  Samuel  Sewell  **  being  prevailed  upon  to  under¬ 
take  the  management  of  the  printing  press  in  Boston  ** 
liberty  is  accordingly  granted  him  for  the  same  by  order 
of  this  Court  and  none  may  presume  to  set  up  any  other 
press  without  like  liberty  first  granted.” 

These  orders  of  suppression  and  censhorship,  limiting 
the  number  of  presses  and  restricting  the  liberty  of  the 
press,  were  made  by  the  Puritan  Authorities. 

In  1688,  the  King  appointed  Sir  Edmund  Andros, 
Governor  of  the  “Territory  and  Dominion  of  New  Eng¬ 
land,”  and  authorized  him  “to  provide  by  all  necessary 
means  that  no  person  keep  any  printing  press  for  print¬ 
ing,  nor  that  any  book,  pamphlet,  or  other  matter,  what¬ 
soever,  be  printed  without  his  special  leave  and  license 
first  obtained.” 

In  1719,  the  Governor’s  right  to  exercise  this  authority 
over  the  press  was  denied  and  successfully  resisted  by 
the  Puritan  Authorities. 

Virginia  had  no  printing  press  until  long  after  one  had 


238 


THE  PILGRIMS 


been  set  up  in  New  England.  It  was  not,  however,  through 
the  prohibition  or  laws  of  censorship  by  the  Colonists, 
such  as  we  find  on  the  statute  books  of  New  England, 
but  through  the  restrictive  measures  of  the  Royal  Govern¬ 
or  in  prohibiting  the  printing  of  anything  without  a 
special  license  first  obtained. 

Sir  William  Berkeley,  who  came  to  Virginia  as  Royal 
Governor  of  the  Colony  in  1641,  said  in  1671,  “I  thank 
God,  there  are  no  free  schools  or  printing”  **  in  Virginia. 

The  same  attitude  toward  printing,  and  prohibitive 
policy  was  pursued  by  the  Royal  Governor,  Lord  Cul¬ 
pepper.  The  following  orders  made  by  him  interdicting 
the  printing,  even,  of  the  laws  of  the  colony,  are  found  in 
the  notes  to  Hening’s  Statutes  of  Virginia, — “February 
21,  1682,  John  Buckner  was  called  before  Lord  Culpepper 
and  his  council  for  printing  the  laws  of  1680,  without 
his  Excellency’s  license,  and  the  printer  was  ordered  to 
enter  into  bond  in  one  hundred  pounds,  not  to  print 
anything  thereafter  until  his  Majesty’s  pleasure  should 
be  known.” 

“In  1683,  a  printer  had  actually  commenced  his  busi¬ 
ness  in  Virginia,  but  was  prohibited  by  the  Royal  Governor 
and  his  council  from  printing  anything.” 


Chapter  XXXVII 

EDUCATION  AND  THE  INFLUENCE  OF 
RELIGION  ON  THE  VIRGINIA  COLONISTS 

IN  New  England,  the  people  were  mostly  settled  in 
towns  and  villages,  while  in  Virginia  there  were  very 
few  towns;  the  Virginia  Colonists  were  scattered,  living 
on  plantations.  Conditions,  therefore,  were  much  more 
favorable  for  the  education  of  children  in  New  England 
than  in  Virginia.  Notwithstanding  these  conditions,  there 
was  greater  interest  in  education,  not  only  by  the  wealth¬ 
ier  classes  but,  also,  by  the  poor,  in  Virginia  than  in 
New  England,  during  the  colonial  period. 

These  Virginia  Colonists  were  keenly  alive  to  the  im¬ 
portance  of  education  for  the  children  of  all  classes — rich 
and  poor.  The  reputation  of  the  Virginia  Colonists  to 
the  contrary,  grew  out  of  the  answer  of  Sir  William 
Berkeley,  the  Royal  Governor  in  1671,  to  an  inquiry  by 
the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Foreign  Plantations  as  to  the 
course  “taken  about  the  instructing  the  people  **  in  the 
Christian  religion,  and  what  provision  is  there  made  for 
the  paying  your  ministry.”  Governor  Berkeley  answered, 
the  question  concerning  religious  instructions  and  the 
support  of  the  ministry, — “The  same  course  that  is  taken 
in  England  out  of  towns;  every  man  according  to  his 
ability  instructing  his  children.  We  have  forty-eight 


239 


240 


THE  PILGRIMS 


parishes  and  our  ministers  are  well  paid.”  He  then  con¬ 
tinued  along  a  line  not  germain  to  the  questions  of  the 
Commissioners,  answering  in  the  words  that  are  quoted 
by  every  writer  and  historian  as  showing  a  shameful 
lack  of  interest  in  education  by  the  Colonists, — “But  I 
thank  God,  there  are  no  free  schools  nor  printing,  and 
I  hope  we  shall  not  have  these  hundred  years ;  for  learning 
has  brought  disobedience  and  heresy  and  sects  into  the 
world,  and  printing  has  divulged  them  and  libels  against 
the  best  government,  God  keep  us  from  both.” 

This  Royal  Governor  only  voiced  his  own  sentiments. 
He  spoke  from  the  view  point  of  an  ardent  and  intense 
Royalist.  He  did  not  understand,  nor  represent  the 
spirit,  nor  sympathize  with  the  aims,  purposes  or  interests 
of  these  early  Virginia  Colonists.  He  was  an  alien  on 
Virginia  soil. 

His  rule  was  oppressive  and  tyrannical  in  the  extreme. 
“None  but  tyrants  dread  the  diffusion  of  knowledge  and 
liberty  of  the  press.”  In  1649,  through  his  oppressive 
laws,  one  thousand  non-conformists, — Puritans,  Quakers 
and  other  dissenters,  left  Virginia  and  settled  in  Maryland. 
He  caused  his  Royal  Council  to  pass  laws  prohibiting 
Puritans,  Quakers  and  other  non-conformists  from  coming 
to  Virginia.  In  1660,  at  the  end  of  the  Cromwellian 
regime,  a  House  of  Burgesses,  composed  of  Royalists  sub¬ 
servient  to  his  wishes  and  policies,  was  elected  to  the 
General  Assembly.  Berkeley  and  this  House,  usurping  the 
civil  rights  of  the  people,  remained  in  office  fourteen 
years  without  an  election  during  that  entire  period. 

Berkeley’s  tyranny,  and  the  oppressive  burdens  laid 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


241 


upon  the  people  by  the  new  King,  Charles  II.  culminated 
in  Bacon’s  rebellion  in  1676,  Berkeley’s  flight  to  the  place 
now  known  as  Onancock  on  the  eastern  shore  of  Virginia, 
and  the  burning  of  Jamestown.  The  rebellion  ended  with 
the  death  of  Bacon,  and  Berkeley  returned  to  Jamestown. 

The  vengeance  wreaked  upon  Bacon’s  followers  by 
Berkeley  was  without  mercy.  He  whipped  those  who 
dared  speak  disrespectfully  of  his  rule;  he  confiscated  the 
property  of  those  engaged  in  the  rebellion  and  hanged 
twenty-two  of  the  patriots.  Berkeley  was,  finally  .called 
home  by  Charles  II.  who  said  of  him,  “that  old  fool  has 
taken  away  more  lives  in  that  naked  country  than  I  for 
the  murder  of  my  father.  ’  ’ 

This  is  the  record  of  the  man,  who,  as  Royal  Governor, 
discouraged  “learning’’  and  prohibited  “printing”  in 
Virginia. 

Historians  and  writers  have,  universally,  quoted  this 
libel  of  Berkeley  as  evidence  that  the  Virginia  Colonists 
neither  had  schools,  nor  desired  them,  nor  educated 
their  children,  nor  desired  the  Printing  Press.  Nothing 
could  be  farther  from  the  truth,  as  the  following  facts, 
gleaned  from  ancient  records  and  the  history  of  Virginia, 
will  show.  There  are  many  Acts  of  the  Colonial  Assembly 
elected  by  the  people,  and  orders  of  the  courts,  providing 
for  education. 

The  term  “Gentlemen”  has  been  applied  as  one  of 
reproach  to  the  Virginia  Colonists.  These  “Gentlemen” 
were  younger  sons  of  the  nobility,  or  from  the  wealthier 
and  better  classes  in  England  who  educated  their  children. 
Great  numbers  of  the  aristocracy,  merchants,  tradesmen 


242 


THE  PILGRIMS 


and  others  in  the  higher  walks  of  life,  came  to  Vir¬ 
ginia  during  the  seventeenth  century,  especially  during 
the  Cromwellian  period.  The  ministers  were  educated  in 
the  Universities  of  England;  many  of  the  indentured 
servants  were  young  men  of  education,  who  served  for  a 
time  to  pay  their  passage  over;  some  of  them  became 
tutors  in  the  families  of  the  planters.  There  were  many 
in  the  convict  class,  who  were  not  criminals,  but  political 
offenders  deported  for  their  offenses  against  the  Ruling 
Powers.  They  were  men  of  education  from  the  higher 
walks  of  life  in  England  and  Scotland.  It  did  not  require 
many  years  for  these  servants,  both  voluntary  and  in¬ 
voluntary,  to  rise  out  of  their  condition  of  servitude. 
They  married  and  had  families  and  children  growing 
around  them.  There  was,  therefore,  among  all  classes, 
rich  and  poor,  in  the  Colony,  an  interest  in  the  education 
of  their  children. 

As  early  as  1619,  measures  were  taken  to  provide  for 
the  higher  education  of  the  youth  of  the  Colony,  and  to 
found  a  college  in  Virginia.  Fifteen  hundred  pounds  were 
raised  to  build  a  college  at  Henrico,  near  where  Richmond 
now  stands.  The  practical  fact  was,  also,  recognized  that 
it  was  not  only  necessary  to  erect  buildings  for  a  college, 
but  that  means  should  be  provided  for  its  support.  Fif¬ 
teen  thousand  acres  of  land  were  appropriated  for  its 
support.  During  the  years  1619  and  1620,  one  hundred 
laborers  under  the  charge  of  Mr.  George  Thorpe  were  sent 
over  to  cultivate  this  land,  and  produce  revenue  for  the 
support  of  the  college. 

In  order  to  prepare  students  for  the  college  the  Vir- 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


243 


ginia  Company  bade  the  Governor  to  see  “that  each  town, 
borough  and  hundred  procured,  by  just  means,  a  certain 
number  of  their  children  to  be  brought  up  in  the  first 
elements  of  literature,  that  the  most  towardly  of  them 
should  be  fitted  for  college.”  Funds  were  raised  to  es¬ 
tablish  a  free  school  at  Charles  City  as  a  feeder  for  the 
college  at  Henrico. 

In  the  Indian  massacre,  in  March  1622,  George  Thorpe, 
the  superintendent,  and  many  of  the  college  tenants 
were  murdered,  and  the  buildings  and  improvements 
were  burned.  This  calamity  destroyed  the  hope  of  es¬ 
tablishing  a  college  at  Henrico. 

Again  in  1660,  steps  were  taken  by  the  House  of  Bur¬ 
gesses  to  establish  a  college,  but  without  success.  It  was, 
however,  the  preliminary  step  to  the  founding  of  a  college 
at  a  later  date. 

In  1693,  The  College  of  William  and  Mary  was  estab¬ 
lished  at  Williamsburg,  Virginia,  through  the  efforts  of 
the  Rev.  James  Blair,  an  Espicopal  clergyman.  He 
became  its  first  President  and  remained  in  that  office 
until  1741. 

While  the  College  was  under  the  auspices  of  the  Epis¬ 
copal  Church,  yet  it  was  intended,  not  only  to  educate 
men  for  the  ministry,  but  to  provide,  also,  for  giving  to 
the  youth  of  the  Colony  a  broad  and  liberal  education. 

The  charter  of  the  College  granted  by  William  and  Mary 
stated  that  the  purpose  in  establishing  the  College  was 
“that  the  Church  of  Virginia  may  be  furnished  with  a 
seminary  of  ministers  of  the  gospel,  and  that  the  youth 
may  be  piously  educated  in  good  letters  and  manners ,  and 


244 


THE  PILGRIMS 


that  the  Christian  faith  may  be  propagated  amongst  the 
Western  Indians,  to  the  glory  of  Almighty  God;  **  to 
make,  found  and  establish  a  certain  place  of  universal 
study,  or  perpetual  College  of  Divinity,  Philosophy, 
Languages,  and  other  good  Arts  and  Sciences .” 

Here,  the  youth  were  educated  in  all  the  “Learned  Pro¬ 
fessions” — “The  ministry,  the  law,  and  medicine,”  the 
sciences,  the  classics,  general  literature,  political  economy 
and  the  philosophy  of  government. 

From  an  old  catalogue  of  “William  and  Mary,”  we 
find  that  this  College  was  the  first  in  America  to  teach 
many  subjects.  In  addition  to  divinity,  moral  philosophy, 
Latin,  Greek  and  mathematics,  it  established  chairs  for 
the  teaching  of  the  following  subjects,  which  were  taught 
for  the  first  time  in  any  American  College.  As  early  as 
1729,  Oriental  Languages  were  taught  by  Charles  Bellini 
and  Rev.  Francis  Fontaine.  In  1779,  the  Hon.  George 
Wythe  taught  law,  and  Dr.  James  McClung  had  a  chair 
of  anatomy  and  medicine.  In  1774,  natural  Philosophy 
and  chemistry  were  taught,  and  in  1777,  Rev.  James 
Madison,  the  President  of  the  College,  taught  political 
economy,  and  a  chair  of  history  was  established  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  18th  century. 

In  order  to  encourage  and  develop  a  love  for  broader 
culture — literature,  the  classics  and  philosophy — a  gold 
medal  was  given,  annually,  one  “to  the  best  classical 
scholar,  and  the  other  to  the  best  scholar  in  philosophy.” 

“It  had  until  the  Revolution  a  better  course  of  in¬ 
struction  than  Harvard,  Yale,  Nassua  Hall  (now  Princeton 
University),  King’s  College  (now  Columbia  University), 
University  of  Pennsyl^ vania,  Brown  or  Dartmouth.” 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


245 


The  Phi.  Beta.  Kappa  Society  was  organized  at  the 
College  of  William  and  Mary  in  December,  1776. 

It  was  the  foremost  and  richest  college  in  America 
until  after  the  Revolution. 

Fiske  pays  a  high  and  deserved  tribute  to  The  College 
of  William  and  Mary  in  “Old  Virginia  and  her  Neighbors.” 
“It  was  the  first  college  in  America,”  he  says,  “to  intro¬ 
duce  teaching  by  lectures  and  the  elective  system  of 
study.  It  was  the  first  to  unite  a  group  of  faculties  into 
a  University.  It  was  the  second  in  the  English  world  to 
have  a  chair  of  Municipal  Law,  George  Wythe  coming 
to  such  professorship  a  few  years  after  Sir  William  Black- 
stone.  It  was  the  first  in  America  to  establish  a  chair  of 
history  and  political  science,  and  it  was  the  first  to  pursue 
a  thoroughly  secular  and  unsectarian  policy,  though,  until 
lately,  its  number  of  students  at  any  one  time  had  never 
reached  one  hundred  and  fifty.” 

In  the  early  part  of  the  18th  century,  an  effort  was 
made  to  provide  for  the  education  of  Indians  at  the  Col¬ 
lege.  In  1691,  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle,  Esq.  died  in 
England,  bequeathing  a  certain  part  of  his  personal  es¬ 
tate  for  charitable  and  pious  uses,  and  recommending 
that  it  should  be  used  “for  the  advancement  of  the  Christ- 
tian  religion.” 

This  money  was  invested  in  the  purchase  of  the  manor 
of  Brafferton,  in  the  county  of  York,  England.  The 
executors  granted  ninety  pounds  per  annum  out  of  the 
rents,  “for  propagating  the  gospel  in  New  England,” — the 
one-half  thereof,  forty-five  pounds,  to  be  paid  two  minis¬ 
ters  to  instruct  the  natives,  and  the  remaining  forty-five 


246 


THE  PILGRIMS 


pounds  to  be  transmitted  to  the  President  of  Harvard 
College  to  be  used  to  pay  the  salary  of  two  ministers  to 
‘teach  the  natives  in  or  near  the  College  there,  the  Chris¬ 
tian  religion.”  The  remainder  of  the  rents  over  and  above 
the  ninety  pounds,  was  to  be  “laid  out  for  the  advance¬ 
ment  of  the  Christian  religion  in  Virginia.” 

A  brick  building  was  erected  at  Williamsburg, Va.,  out 
of  the  money  received  from  this  charity,  which  still 
stands  on  the  Campus  of  “William  and  Mary”  known  as 
the  Brafferton  building,  for  an  “Indian  School,  and  for 
the  lodging  of  such  Indian  Children”  as  were  brought 
there. 

The  Presidents  and  Masters  of  William  and  Mary 
College  were  directed  to  “keep  at  the  said  College  so 
many  Indian  children  in  sickness  and  in  health,  in  meat, 
drink,  washing,  lodging,  clothes,  medicine,  books,  and 
education  from  the  first  beginning  of  letters  till  they 
should  **  be  thought  sufficient  to  be  sent  abroad  to  preach 
and  convert  the  Indians.”  Some  young  Indians  were 
brought  to  the  College,  and  taught  to  “read  and  write,” 
but  on  their  return  to  their  tribes  they  soon  fell  into 
“their  own  savage  customs  and  heathenish  rites.” 

Williamsburg  was  the  Capital  of  Colonial  Virginia.  It 
was  the  social,  intellectual  and  political  center  of  Colonial 
life  in  America. 

The  Capital  City,  with  its  College  situated  at  one  end, 
the  Capitol  at  the  other  end  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester 
Street,  and  the  Palace  of  the  Royal  Governors  midway 
between  them,  where  the  “Mattey  Whaley  School” 
building  now  stands,  with  its  miniature  lake  and  English 


SUNDAY  MORNING  IN  OLD  VIRGINIA. 

Bruton  Parish  Church,  Wii.liamsburg,  Virginia,  about  1760. 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


247 


garden  of  flowers  fronting  the  Palace  after  the  fashion 
of  the  Royal  Palaces  of  the  Mother  Country,  and  with 
its  famous  Raleigh  Tavern,  was  the  scene  of  many  brilliant 
functions.  Here  in  Bruton  Parish  Church,  could  be 
heard  on  Sunday  the  strains  of  music  on  the  organ  by 
Peter  Pelham,  the  musician.  There  was  in  Williamsburg 
a  richness  in  dress,  a  courtliness  and  refinement  of  manner, 
in  both  men  and  women,  that  indicated  a  high  degree 
of  culture. 

The  Rev.  Hugh  Jones,  writing  of  the  social  life  in  this 
Colonial  city,  says,  Many  of  the  families  “lived  in  the 
same  neat  manner,  dress  after  the  same  modes  and  be¬ 
haved  themselves  exactly  as  the  gentry  in  London.  Most 
families  of  any  note,  having  a  coach,  chariot,  berlin  or 
chaise.”  Meade  says  of  this  Colonial  Capital,  that 
“Williamsburg  was  once  the  miniature  copy  of  the  Court 
of  St.  James,  **  while  the  old  church  (Bruton)  and  its 
graveyard  and  the  College  Chapel  were  **  the  Westminster 
Abbey  and  the  St.  Paul’s  of  London,  where  the  great  ones 
were  interred.” 

In  this  old  graveyard  of  Bruton  Parish  Church,  are 
many  tombstones  on  which  are  graven  the  names  and 
Coat  of  Arms  of  men  of  aristocratic  lineage  who  came 
from  England  to  Virginia  in  the  17th  century. 

The  College  of  William  and  Mary  was  the  Alma  Mater 
of  descendants  of  these  men,  and  of  others  who,  though 
not  of  noble  birth,  yet,  were  of  the  better  classes  of  Eng¬ 
lishmen.  These  sons  of  the  old  College,  and  others  whose 
names  are  inseparably  associated  with  it,  rose  to  the 
highest  positions  in  Colonial  days  and  after  the  Revolution 


248 


THE  PILGRIMS 


in  Church,  on  the  Bench,  in  the  Halls  of  Legislation,  and 
to  the  Presidency  of  our  Nation. 

Herbert  B.  Adams  calls  The  College  of  William  and 
Mary  the  “Alma  Mater  of  Statesmen/’ 

Washington,  Jefferson,  Randolph,  Lee,  Marshall, 
Henry,  Madison,  Monroe,  Harrison,  John  Tyler  and  others 
are  conspicuous  for  the  important  part  which  they  played, 
not  only  during  the  Revolution,  but,  also,  in  shaping 
the  destiny  of  our  infant  democracy  during  the  first  half 
century  of  our  National  life.  During  this  period,  no  other 
part  of  our  country  produced  so  many  leaders  in  the 
intellectual  and  political  life  of  our  nation  as  Virginia. 

The  Hon.  George  F.  Hoar,  in  an  address  delivered  in 
Congress,  said  of  The  College  of  William  and  Mary  that 
“The  great  principles  on  which  the  rights  of  man  depend, 
which  inspired  the  statesmen  of  Virginia  of  the  period 
of  the  Revolution,  are  the  fruits  of  her  teaching. 

To  the  sons  of  this  historic  College  is  largely  due  the 
credit  of  having  conceived,  formulated  and  crystalized  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  in  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  the  basic  principles  of  democracy 
on  which  our  nation  is  founded.  They  were  students  of 
the  science  of  government,  and  of  “the  eternal  rights  of 
man;”  they  were  men  of  education,  culture  and  ability. 

There  were  many  able  men  in  the  “Continental  Con¬ 
gresses,”  but  “from  Virginia,”  Fisher  says,  “came  the 
best  delegates  of  all,  calm,  judicious,  earnest  patriots  with 
a  very  broad  range  of  ability.” 

In  writing  of  the  debates  in  the  conventions  of  the 
various  States  in  1788,  on  the  question  of  the  ratification 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


249 


of  the  Constitution,  Albert  J.  Beveridge  says,  “The  de¬ 
bates  in  the  Virginia  Convention  of  1788,  are  the  only 
masterful  discussions  on  both  sides  of  the  controversy 
that  ever  took  place.”  *******  “In  Virginia’s  Convention, 
the  array  of  ability,  distinction  and  character  on  both 
sides  was  notable,  brilliant,  and  impressive.  The  strong¬ 
est  debaters  in  the  land  were  there,  the  most  powerful 
orators,  and  some  of  the  most  scholarly  statesmen ;  Seldom, 
in  any  land  or  age,  has  so  gifted  and  accomplished  a  group 
of  men  contended  in  argument  and  discussion  at  one  time 
and  place.” 

John  and  Samuel  Adams,  both  Harvard  graduates, 
were,  by  far,  the  ablest  of  the  four  delegates  from  Massa¬ 
chusetts.  But  the  entire  Massachusetts  delegation  were 
narrow,  irreconcilable  radicals  who  were  “hot  for  extreme 
measures;”  they  were  revolutionists  who  would  stake  all 
on  their  immature  plans  for  immediate  independence. 
They  had  not  been  trained  in  the  science  of  government; 
they  lacked  the  poise,  the  calm  judgment,  the  far-seeing 
vision  of  constructive  statesmen. 

Samuel  Adams  was  an  agitator,  rather  than  a  statesman. 

“Mr.  Adams  character  may  be  defined  in  a  few  words,” 
says  Wells,  “He  is  ***  a  republican  in  politics,  pos¬ 
sessed  of  as  much  learning  as  is  necessary  to  disguise 
the  truth  with  sophistry,  and  so  complete  a  moralist  that 
it  is  one  of  his  favorite  maxims  that  ‘The  end  will  justify 
the  means,’  when  to  such  accomplished  talents  and 
principles  we  add  an  empty  pocket,  an  unbounded  am¬ 
bition,  and  a  violent  disaffection  to  Great  Britain,  we 
shall  be  able  to  form  some  idea  of  Mr.  Samuel  Adams.” 


250 


THE  PILGRIMS 


In  the  lecture  rooms  of  this  “Ancient  Mother  of  Learn¬ 
ing,”  in  Virginia,  were  inculcated  the  principles  and  ideals 
that  “gave  to  the  nation  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
the  Virginia  Plan  of  the  Constitution,  the  development 
of  the  Constitution  through  the  great  Chief  Justice,  and 
the  Monroe  Doctrine.” 

The  proposal  to  establish  at  the  Ancient  College  of 
William  and  Mary,  “The  Marshall- Wythe  School  of 
Government  and  Citizenship”  is  an  appropriate  and 
fitting  tribute  for  her  part  in  the  great  work  of  founding 
our  nation. 

The  College  of  William  and  Mary  has  suffered  a  suc¬ 
cession  of  calamities  in  its  history.  The  first  college 
buildings,  designed  by  Sir  Christopher  Wren,  were  de¬ 
stroyed  by  fire  in  December,  1705,  together  with  the  li¬ 
brary  and  philosophical  apparatus.  This  calamity,  com¬ 
ing  so  soon  after  the  founding  of  the  College,  was  a  serious 
blow.  The  building  was  rebuilt,  but  it  was  not  until 
1723,  that  the  buildings  were  fully  restored. 

During  the  Revolutionary  war,  the  buildings  were 
occupied,  alternately,  by  the  British,  French  and  American 
troops.  The  buildings  were  again  injured  by  fire,  and  the 
President’s  house  was  destroyed.  After  the  close  of 
the  war,  the  French  rebuilt  the  College  buildings  at  their 
own  expense. 

Again,  in  1859,  the  buildings  were  destroyed  by  fire, 
together  with  the  laboratory  and  library,  which  contained 
many  rare  and  curious  books.  Within  one  year  after  the 
fire  “The  new  College  edifice”  was  completed  and  fully 
furnished. 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


251 


In  May,  1861,  came  the  Civil  War.  The  Buildings  were 
used  as  barracks  by  the  Confederate  forces  until  evacuated 
by  them  in  1862.  The  Union  forces  then  took  possession, 
burned  the  buildings,  and  retained  possession  of  the 
premises  until  the  close  of  the  war.  These  many  disasters 
repeatedly  interrupted  the  work  of  the  College,  and 
seriously  interfered  with  its  progress. 

After  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  the  college  was  re¬ 
opened,  and  with  the  assistance  of  distinguished  persons 
from  every  part  of  the  country,  the  buildings  were  finally 
restored.  It  was  not,  however,  until  1869,  that  the  College 
reopened  with  its  full  faculty,  and  it  was  several  years 
later  before  it  was  fully  equipped  and  restored.  The 
marvel  is,  that  The  College  of  William  and  Mary  sur¬ 
vived  these  many  disasters. 

It  is  interesting  to  trace  the  development  and  growth 
of  education  and  the  interest  of  the  aristocratic  and 
wealthy  classes  in  the  education,  not  only  of  their  own 
children,  but,  also,  of  the  children  of  the  humbler  classes 
in  Colonial  Virginia. 

It  is  true  that  Virginia  was  settled  mainly  by  Royalists, 
men  of  noble  lineage  and  of  the  better  classes,  and  there¬ 
fore  “society  was  laid  out  on  the  aristocratic  basis.” 
It  is  not  true,  however,  that  the  wealthy  colonists  edu¬ 
cated  their  own  children,  but  “felt  little  or  no  interest 
in  the  instruction  of  the  common  people.” 

It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  note,  that  it  was  through  the  bene¬ 
volence  of  men  from  these  higher  classes  that  free  schools 
were  established  for  the  education  of  the  poor  at  a  very 
early  period  in  Colonial  Virginia.  Dr.  Lyon  G.  Tyler, 


252 


THE  PILGRIMS 


former  President  of  The  College  of  William  and  Mary* 
has  given  us  many  instances  of  the  founding  and  endowing 
free  schools  in  Virginia. 

The  first  free  school  was  opened  in  Elizabeth  City  in 
1624. 

In  1635,  Benjamin  Symmes  donated  two  hundred  acres 
of  land,  a  good  house  and  forty  milch  cows  to  establish 
and  support  a  free  school  in  Elizabeth  County  for  the 
children  of  the  Parishes  of  Elizabeth  City  and  Kicquotan; 
in  1649,  this  school  possessed  a  “fine  house.” 

In  1659,  a  free  school  was  established  by  Thomas 
Eaton.  “A  fund  of  ten  thousand  dollars,  representing 
these  two  charities,  was  used  for  a  long  period  to  carry 
on  the  “Symmes-Eaton  Academy  at  Hampton.  The  High 
School  at  Hampton  is  now  called  the  Symmes-Eaton 
School. 

In  1655,  Captain  John  Moon,  of  Isle  of  Wight  county, 
left  a  legacy  for  the  education  of  “poor  fatherless  children 
Captain  William  Whittington,  in  1659,  left  two  thousand 
pounds  of  tobacco  for  a  free  school  in  Northampton 
County;  in  1668,  Captain  Henry  King,  of  Isle  of  Wight 
County,  gave  one  hundred  acres  of  land  for  the  main¬ 
tenance  of  a  free  school,  and  in  1675,  Henry  Peasly,  of 
Gloucester  County,  gave  six  hundred  acres  of  land,  ten 
cows  and  a  breeding  mare  for  the  education  of  the  children 
of  Abingdon  and  Ware  Parishes;  “This  school  continued 
its  work  for  eighty  years  without  interruption.” 

In  1691,  Hugh  Campbell  gave  two  hundred  acres  of 
land,  in  each  of  the  three  counties  of  Norfolk,  Isle  of 
Wight  and  Nansemond  for  the  support  of  persons  to 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


253 


teach  school,  and  in  1700,  William  Horton  endowed  a  free 
school  in  Westmoreland  County. 

“Mrs.  Mary  Whaley  established  a  free  school  in  York 
county  in  1706,  Samuel  Sanford  one  in  Accomac,  on  the 
eastern  shore,  in  1710,  and  William  Broadribes  one  in 
James  City  County  about  the  same  time.” 

There  was  no  free  public  school  system  in  any  of  the 
Colonies  in  pre-Revolutionary  times,  but  the  people  of 
Virginia  began  and  continued  establishing  these  free 
schools  until  there  was  one  or  more  in  every  county. 
“Whenever  such  schools  were  wanting,”  says  Dr.  Tyler, 
“the  citizens  clubbed  together  and  organized  private 
schools,  of  which  there  were  sometimes  as  many  as  four 
in  a  Parish.’’ 

In  1703,  Beverly,  the  Virginia  Historian,  wrote  that 
“free  schools  for  the  education  of  children  in  many  parts 
of  the  country  **  had  been  founded  by  the  legacies  of 
well  inclined  gentlemen,  and  the  management  hath  been 
commonly  left  to  the  direction  of  the  County  Courts,  or 
the  Vestry  of  their  respective  Parishes.” 

There  are  many  Acts  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and 
orders  of  the  Courts  concerning  the  education  of  children. 

In  1641,  an  Act  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Burgesses , 
providing  that  all  “Masters  of  families  shall  send  their 
children  and  servants  to  the  minister  to  be  instructed 
and  catechised.”  “The  County  Courts  supervised  the 
vestries,  and  held  a  yearly  “Orphans  Court,”  which 
looked  after  the  material  and  educational  welfare  of 
orphans.” 

In  1642,  the  House  of  Burgesses  passed  an  Act, 


254 


THE  PILGRIMS 


providing  that  all  overseers  and  guardians  of  such  orphans 
are  enjoined  by  the  authorities  “to  educate  and  instruct 
them  according  to  their  best  endeavors  in  Christian  re¬ 
ligion  and  in  the  rudiments  of  learning.” 

In  1655,  an  Act  was  passed,  providing  that  orphans 
should  be  “educated  upon  the  interest  of  the  estate,  if 
it  will  bear  it,  according  to  the  proportion  of  the  estate.” 
It  was  further  made  the  duty  of  the  Courts  to  inquire 
whether  orphans  be  kept,  maintained  and  educated 
according  to  their  estates. 

As  the  Colonists  pushed  their  way  back  from  the  coast, 
and  made  homes  for  their  families  in  remote  districts, 
counties  were  organized  and  courts  were  established  in 
each  county.  The  Mother  Church  followed  these  English 
settlers  into  the  wilderness,  and  the  country  was  divided 
into  parishes,  and  a  church  was  established  in  each  Parish. 
In  1671,  there  were  forty-eight  parishes  in  the  colony, 
and  at  least  one  church  and  a  minister  in  every  parish. 

In  order  to  provide  for  the  education  of  the  children, 
whether  in  the  thickly  settled  or  remote  parts  of  the  coun¬ 
try,  “the  vestries  of  the  different  churches  had  the  super¬ 
vision  of  all  poor  children  in  their  parishes  and  saw  that 
they  were  taught  reading  and  writing.” 

These  acts  of  generosity,  and  the  provisions  for  educa¬ 
tion  through  the  courts  and  vestries  evidence  a  deep 
interest,  a  liberal  and  broad  minded  attitude  of  the  weal¬ 
thy,  the  intelligent  and  ruling  classes  in  Virginia,  in  the 
education  of  all  children. 

In  order  to  provide  for  the  education  of  children  of  the 
better  and  wealthier  classes  private  schools  and  academies 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


255 


were  established.  These  were  patronized  not  only  by  the 
wealthy,  but  by  many  of  the  humbler  people.  Beginning 
as  early  as  1619,  those  who  were  able  to  do  so,  either 
employed  tutors  in  their  families  to  teach  their  children, 
or  educated  them  in  England. 

It  was  inevitable,  that  Colonies  in  the  New  World 
should  suffer  from  many  undesirable  emigrants.  Virginia, 
as  well  as  New  England,  was  afflicted  with  them.  But 
in  Virginia  the  undesirable  class  passed  away  without 
leaving  their  impress  upon  the  country. 

The  Virginia  Colonists,  in  the  main,  were  a  very  different 
type  from  those  of  Plymouth.  Of  the  one  hundred  and 
five  who  came  to  Jamestown  in  May,  1607,  about  one-half 
were  classed  as  “gentlemen.”  Notwithstanding  the  dis¬ 
paraging  expressions  of  historians,  these  “gentlemen”  were 
the  men  who  endured  the  hardships  and  disease,  and  sur¬ 
vived,  while  the  laborers  died  during  that  fatal  sickness 
of  the  first  year. 

The  better  type  of  Colonists  continued  to  come  to 
Virginia  in  large  numbers  in  the  early  years  of  the  Colony. 
During  Cromwellian  times,  especially,  and  for  years 
afterwards  thousands  of  the  aristocracy,  merchants,  and 
men  of  the  better  classes  emigrated  to  Virginia.  In  the 
midst  of  the  hardships,  privations,  sickness,  disease  and 
famine,  this  class,  from  better  physical  condition,  intelli¬ 
gence  in  caring  for  themselves,  sheer  force  of  will  and 
courage,  survived.  The  lower  mentality  of  the  unde¬ 
sirables, — the  criminal  convicts  and  servant  class,  their 
ignorance  in  caring  for  themselves,  their  physical  unfit¬ 
ness  and  weakened  constitutions,  without  the  will  power 


256 


THE  PILGRIMS 


and  courage  to  sustain  them,  caused  them  to  succumb 
to  the  hard  labor,  privations,  disease  and  the  climate. 
They  died  by  the  thousands.  According  to  Mr.  Jefferson, 
“the  mortality  among  the  white  servants  was  so  dreadful, 
that  the  descendants  of  the  undesirable  and  convict  class 
at  the  time  of  the  revolution,  after  a  century  and  a  half, 
would  not  exceed  four  thousand.”  The  doctrine  of  the 
survival  of  the  fittest  obtained  in  Virginia. 

Governor  Spottswood  wrote  in  1710,  “I  have  observed 
less  swearing  and  prophaneness,  less  drinking  and  de¬ 
bauchery,  less  undesirable  feuds  and  animosities  and  less 
knavery  and  villanys,  in  Virginia,  than  in  any  part  of 
the  world  where  my  lot  has  been.”  Hammond,  in  “Leah 
and  Rachel,”  says,  that  “he  was  an  eye  witness  in  Eng¬ 
land  to  more  deceits  and  villainies  in  four  months  than 
he  saw  or  heard  mentioned  in  Virginia  in  twenty  years 
abode  there.” 

It  was  this  better  class,  these  “gentlemen”  and  their 
descendants,  who  dominated  the  social,  economic,  poli¬ 
tical,  and  religious  life  of  Virginia  in  Colonial  days.  Under 
their  leadership,  Virginia  grew  in  prosperity,  wealth, 
culture,  and  in  statesmanship.  The  descendants  of  these 
emigrants,  largely,  conceived  and  directed  the  policies 
of  our  Country  during  our  early,  experimental  stages  in 
democracy. 

They  believed  that  liberty  and  independence  could  only 
be  preserved  by  a  stable  government  based  on  law  and  order. 

Virginia  was  the  “Cradle  of  our  Republic.” 

The  restraints  of  law  and  orderly  government  never 
appealed  to  the  intolerant  nature  of  the  Puritan. 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


257 


During  pre-revolutionary  days,  they  were  ever  defiant, 
even  to  the  extent  of  violence,  of  interference  with  their 
policies;  nor  did  peace  with  the  Mother  Country  bring 
tranquility  to  the  New  England  Colonies. 

Liberty  was  construed  by  them  as  license.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  substitute  mob  rule  for  law  and  order. 

In  1786,  mobs  grew  to  an  army  of  sixteen  thousand 
men  under  the  leadership  of  Captain  Daniel  Shay.  These 
insurrectionists  refused  to  pay  taxes,  and  marched  from 
place  to  place  closing  the  Courts  to  prevent  the  collection 
of  debts.  They  were  against  all  government. 

“My  boys,”  ‘one  of  these  insurrectionists  cried’  “you 
are  going  to  fight  for  liberty.  If  you  wish  to  know  what 
liberty  is,  I  will  tell  you.  It  is  for  every  man  to  do  what 
he  pleases,  to  make  other  folks  do  as  you  please  to  have 
them,  and  to  keep  folks  from  going  to  the  devil.” 

In  the  Parliament  building  in  London,  there  are  two 
historical  paintings,  one  on  either  side  of  the  corridor 
leading  from  the  House  of  Commons  to  the  House  of 
Lords.  On  the  one  side,  the  artist  has  painted  the  Puritan 
with  cropped  hair  and  stern  countenance,  pushing  his 
boat  into  the  waters  bound  for  the  New  World.  On  the 
opposite  wall,  the  artist  has  painted  the  type  that  colonized 
Virginia, — a  figure  with  an  aristocratic  bearing  and  noble 
face,  with  his  hair  falling  to  his  shoulders,  his  ruffles, 
velvet  coat,  silken  hose  and  silver  shoe  buckles.  There  is 
a  refinement  and  intellectual  force  in  this  Colonist  that 
only  an  association  with  the  finer  things  in  life  can  give. 
There  is  no  greater  strength  of  character  in  his  face  than 
in  that  of  the  Puritan,  but  the  artist  has  caught  the  vision, 


258 


THE  PILGRIMS 


and  portrayed  in  the  face  and  mien  of  this  Virginian  that 
subtle  and  intangible  inheritance  of  generations  of  men 
surrounded  with  the  refinements  of  education,  culture, 
art,  painting,  music  and  literature. 

There  were  very  few  non-conformists  and  dissenters  in 
Virginia.  These  Colonists  were  of  the  Established 
Church.  The  gentler  teachings  of  Christ  and  the  New 
Testament  were  not  there  superceded  by  the  harsher 
tenets  and  merciless  cruelties  of  the  Mosaic  Laws.  The 
Church  followed  the  settlers  into  the  wilderness ;  ministers 
were  sent  and  houses  of  worship  were  built  in  these 
outlying  parishes.  The  clergymen  were  teachers  as  well  as 
ministers. 

The  Virginia  clergy,  Meade  says,  during  the  century 
and  a  half  of  colonial  days,  were  intelligent,  well  educated, 
and  with  few  exceptions,  moral,  of  good  character  and 
Christian  gentlemen.  For  nearly  a  century  these  men 
were  educated  in  the  Universities  of  England,  and  later, 
at  the  College  of  William  and  Mary. 

Although  of  the  Established  Church,  yet  the  Colonists 
were  tolerant.  The  instances  of  intolerance  recorded  in 
history  were  by  the  Royal  Governors,  and  not  by  the 
Colonists. 

The  English  Church  brought  the  finer  things  into  the 
lives  of  the  people.  Its  architecture,  painting,  sculpture, 
music  and  literature,  its  rich  and  beautiful  ceremonies 
created  a  love  for  the  beautiful  in  the  people;  its  ritual 
and  prayers  brought  the  soul  in  closer  touch  with  the 
Divine  Master.  These  English  Colonists  transplanted 
their  Anglican  Church  in  the  wilderness  of  Virginia,  and 


INFLUENCE  OF  RELIGION 


259 


found  in  it  the  solace,  comfort,  and  safeguards  of  re¬ 
ligion,  through  its  holy  associations  and  ministries. 

Alike,  in  the  wilderness,  on  the  banks  of  the  James  and 
the  shores  of  the  Chesapeake,  the  holy  and  sacred  ordi¬ 
nances  of  the  church  were  observed.  The  minister  was 
there,  uniting  youth  and  maiden  in  marriage,  baptizing 
the  little  ones,  bringing  the  consolations  of  religion  to 
the  sorrowing,  and  performing  the  last  sad  rites  at  the 
grave  of  the  beloved  dead.  These  Virginia  Colonists 
were  surrounded  by  those  sacred  and  spiritual  influences 
that  tend  to  keep  the  lives  of  men  and  women  sweet  and 
pure;  that  developed  all  that  was  noblest  and  best  in  the 
pioneer  life  of  the  Colonists. 

These  Churches,  with  their  appeals  to  the  highest  and 
best  in  men,  and  these  clergymen  devoting  their  lives 
to  the  cultivation  of  the  religious  and  spiritual  in  the  set¬ 
tlers,  could  not  have  had  other  than  a  refining  influence 
on  the  people. 

The  Virginia  Colonists  brought  with  them  a  love  and 
reverence  for  the  customs  of  their  English  homes  and  the 
institutions  of  the  Church.  They  kept  in  close  touch 
with  their  friends  and  relatives  across  the  sea;  England 
was  still  home  to  them.  The  Pilgrims  and  Puritans, 
however,  came  to  New  England  to  escape  these  insti¬ 
tutions,  both  of  Church  and  State. 

Many  of  the  Virginia  homes  and  estates  had  their 
gardens,  modeled  after  those  at  home.  Their  children 
were  educated  either  in  England  or  in  the  schools  in  Vir¬ 
ginia.  While  in  the  remote  districts  the  opportunities 
for  education  could  not  have  been  otherwise  than  limited, 


260 


THE  PILGRIMS 


yet  they  received  the  rudiments  and  as  good  an  education 
as  the  children  in  the  rural  districts  of  England. 

These  settlers  brought  with  them  into  the  wilderness 
the  influences  of  association  with  education  in  the  older 
settlements  of  Virginia.  Some  of  the  ablest  men  in  the 
“Continental  Congress”  and  Constitutional  Conventions 
were  from  the  backwoods  of  Virginia.  It  is  said,  that  the 
English  classics  and  the  Spectator  were  found  in  many 
homes.  The  libraries  of  these  settlers,  of  which  there 
were  many,  were  not  confined  to  works  on  theological 
subjects.  The  polished  and  courtly  William  Byrd,  of 
Westover,  in  1718,  possessed  a  library  of  nearly  four 
thousand  volumes.  It  was  not  a  collection  of  books, 
merely,  on  theological  subjects.  It  was  the  library  of  a 
cultured  and  broad  minded  gentleman,  containing  books 
on  all  subjects, — secular,  religious,  scientific,  political, 
historical,  the  classics  and  general  literature. 

This  survey  of  conditions  enables  us  to  understand 
the  statement  of  the  traveler,  J.  F.  D.  Smythe,  who  said, 
in  1773,  that  in  Virginia  “The  first  class  are  here  more 
respectable  and  numerous  than  in  any  other  province 
in  America.  These  in  general  have  had  a  liberal  educa¬ 
tion,  possess  enlightened  understanding  and  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  world  that  furnishes  them  with  an 
ease  and  freedom  of  manners  and  conversation  highly  to 
their  advantage  in  exterior,  which  no  vicissitude  of  for¬ 
tune  or  place  can  divest  them  of.” 


Chapter  XXXVIII 

CONCLUSION 

WAS  it  the  voice  of  God,  or  the  persuasive  appeals, 
and  the  desire  of  ambitious  leaders  to  plant  a 
Colony  in  the  New  World,  that  called  these  Leyden 
Separatists  to  America?  Was  it  not  the  alluring  picture 
of  material,  rather  than  spiritual  welfare,  that  induced 
them  to  emigrate? 

The  inspiring  motive  of  these  leaders  was  not  to  found 
a  church  in  the  wilderness,  where  their  people  would  be 
free  from  the  authority  and  ceremonials  of  the  English 
Church,  nor  that  they  might  lead  the  savages  to  a  know¬ 
ledge  of  the  gospel.  If  the  Church  was  in  their  minds, 
it  was  that  it  might  be  used  as  a  foundation  upon  which 
they  could  build  their  civil  government.  Their  dream 
was  not  of  a  spiritual,  but  a  temporal  kingdom. 

These  leaders  did,  in  fact,  control  the  life,  and  shape 
the  destiny  of  the  Colony.  William  Bradford  and  Ed¬ 
ward  Winslow  were  the  Supreme  Rulers  for  a  period  of 
thirty-five  years,  and  Josiah  Winslow,  a  son  of  Edward 
Winslow,  Thomas  Prence  and  Thomas  Hinckley  during 
the  remainder  of  the  life  of  Plymouth  as  an  independent 
colony.  Plymouth  Colony,  under  their  rule,  had  but  a 
comparatively  short  and  inglorious  existence.  It  did 
not  survive  because  its  Rulers  did  not  possess  those 


261 


262 


THE  PILGRIMS 


broad  ideals  of  democracy,  which  would  have  given  it 
the  right  to  a  place  in  the  sisterhood  of  Colonies  which 
gave  birth  to  our  Nation. 

“Some  men  are  born  great,”  and  “some  achieve  great¬ 
ness.”  These  Pilgrim  Fathers  were  neither  born  great, 
nor  did  they  achieve  greatness.  They  have  been  clothed 
with  all  the  virtues ;  righteousness  and  religious  zeal  have 
been  ascribed  to  them;  they  have  been  invested  with  the 
wisdom  of  far-seeing  statesmen  who  caught  the  vision  of 
a  nation — a  democracy,  “of  the  people,  by  the  people  and 
for  the  people.”  But  these  virtues  and  attributes  were 
created  for  them  by  posterity.  To  the  poet,  the  artist 
and  historians  of  New  England  belong  the  credit  for 
creating  a  deeply  religious  people,  and  endueing  them 
with  the  virtues,  wisdom  and  statesmanship  which  pro¬ 
duced  our  nation. 

These  men  were  not  of  the  stuff  of  which  empire  builders 
are  made.  Neither  from  early  environment,  native 
ability,  experience,  education,  religious  tolerance,  or  know¬ 
ledge  of  state-craft,  were  they  fitted  to  found  a  nation. 
The  farthest  from  their  thought,  was  universal  liberty 
of  conscience  and  religious  freedom,  or  of  a  civil  govern¬ 
ment  where  all  the  people  should  have  a  voice.  An 
Oligarchy  was  their  dream  and  aim. 

They  encouraged  and  fostered  neither  the  school  nor 
the  Church,  neither  education  nor  religion, — the  chief 
cornerstones  of  a  democracy. 

Liberty,  equality  of  rights,  the  franchise  to  all  men, 
education,  humanitarianism,  the  Church,  the  Christian  re¬ 
ligion  and  “liberty  of  conscience,” — these  are  the  virtues 


CONCLUSION 


263 


that  elevate  a  people  and  society  to  the  heights  in  national 
life.  The  Pilgrim  Fathers  lived  on  the  lower  levels  of  civil 
and  religious  life.  They  never  looked  above  the  foot 
hills  to  the  heights  beyond  where  sits  enthroned — true 
democracy. 

To  one  who  studies  the  history  of  Plymouth  Colony, 
it  is  apparent  that  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  did  not  in  any 
way,  influence  the  intellectual,  moral,  religious  or  poli¬ 
tical  life  of  our  nation. 


Bibliography 

History  of  Plimoth  Plantation — William  Bradford. 
Plymouth  Colony  Records — 1623-1682. 

The  General  History  of  Virginia,  New  England  and  the 
Summer  Isles — John  Smith. 

Ancient  Charters  and  Laws  of  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony. 
The  Bay  Psalm  Book. 

History  of  New  England — John  G.  Palfrey. 

Catalogue  of  Harvard  College,  1636-1895. 

The  Puritan  in  Holland,  England  and  America — Douglas 
Campbell,  A.  M.  L.  L.  B. 

The  Puritan  as  a  Colonist  and  Reformer — Ezra  Hoyt 
Byington. 

The  Puritan  Republic — Daniel  Wait  Howe. 

The  Bay  Colony — William  Dummer  Northend,  L.  L.  D. 
The  Quaker  Invasion  of  Massachusetts — Richard  P. 
Hallo  well. 

In  the  Days  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers — Mary  Caroline 
Crawford. 

Courtship  of  Miles  Standish — Henry  W.  Longfellow. 
The  Pilgrim’s  Vision — Oliver  Wendell  Holmes. 

Poems — John  G.  Whittier. 

Statutes  and  Laws  of  Virginia — 1619-1808 — William  W. 
Hening. 


265 


266 


THE  PILGRIMS 


The  History  of  The  College  of  William  and  Mary — 1660- 
1874. 

The  Cradle  of  the  Republic — Dr.  Lyon  G.  Tyler,  L.  L.  D. 
Colonial  Days — Alice  Morse  Earle. 

Colonial  Virginia — J.  A.  C.  Chandler  and  T.  B.  Thames. 
The  Old  Dominion — Thomas  Nelson  Page. 

Old  Virginia  and  Her  Neighbors — John  Fiske. 

The  Story  of  the  South — Charles  Morris. 

Education  in  Delaware — Lyman  P.  Powell,  L.  L.  D.  D.  D. 
The  American  Public  School — Ross  L.  Finney,  Ph.  D. 
Social  and  Economic  Forces  in  American  History — 
Edited  by  Albert  Hart  Bushnell,  L.  L.  D. 

The  Spirit  of  America — Henry  Van  Dyke,  L.  L.  D. 
Bundling-Henry  Reed  Stiles. 

Life  and  Times  of  John  Dickinson — Charles  J.  Stille, 
L.  L.  D. 

Life  of  John  Marshall — Albert  J.  Beveridge. 

Milton — Thomas  Babington  Macauley. 

Old  Churches,  Ministers  and  Families  of  Virginia — 
Bishop  William  Mead. 

History  of  the  America  People — Woodrow  Wilson. 

The  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic — J.  L.  Motley. 

History  of  the  United  States — Henry  Adams. 

The  Outline  of  History — H.  G.  Wells. 

Economic  and  Social  History  of  New  England — William 
B.  Weeden 

Historic  Towns  of  New  England — Edited  by  Lyman  P. 

Powell,  L.  L.  D.  D.  D. 

History  of  the  English  People — J.  R.  Green. 

Annals  of  Philadelphia — John  Watson. 


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